Anti-racist scholar-activism raises urgent questions about the role of contemporary universities and the academics who work within them. As profound socio-racial crises collide with mass anti-racist mobilisations, this book focuses on the praxes of academics working within, and against, their institutions in pursuit of anti-racist social justice. Amidst a searing critique of the university’s neoliberal and imperial character, Joseph-Salisbury and Connelly situate the university as a contested space, full of contradictions and tensions. Drawing upon original empirical data, the book considers how anti-racist scholar-activists navigate barriers and backlash in order to leverage the opportunities and resources of the university in service to communities of resistance. Showing praxes of anti-racist scholar-activism to be complex, diverse, and multifaceted, and paying particular attention to how scholar-activists grapple with their own complicities in the harms perpetrated and perpetuated by higher education institutions, this book is a call to arms for academics who are, or would like to be, committed to social justice.
contemporary South African politics. The essay also attempts to dig deeper than the Biko phenomenon, to try to find the roots and meaning that give value to the democratic and constitutional dispensation that South African society espouses. The abiding value of Steve Biko in the development of political consciousness and intellectualactivism in South Africa is that his theorising draws from the lived experiences of black South Africans, and is informed by these experiences, developing lessons from them. In Biko’s philosophy of Black Consciousness, we find the intricate
democratization has assumed primacy
in analysis of the continent’s condition since the early 1990s,
but how that paradigm has become inextricably entangled
with political and intellectualactivism. Indeed, the urgency
of democratization debates flows both from the desperate
condition of the mass of Africa’s people and from the fact
that, while on the one hand ‘democratization’ has in essence
replaced Marxism as both explanatory device and panacea,
it has on the other been appropriated as goal and tool by
Western policy agendas.
Democratization in Africa: the first wave
participation strategy is identified. Studies of other kinds of female activism identify various strategies such as ‘direct action’, putting one’s head over the parapet, including running for public office and union work. There is also ‘intellectualactivism’, which includes writing as resistance, journalism and filing lawsuits. Then there are acts of ‘everyday resistance’, such as dressing or cutting one’s hair in a certain way and resisting being stereotyped, but these are often easy generalisations. 29 This book aims to identify and assess a range of strategies that
, Cedric Robinson, and Amílcar Cabral.
Patricia Hill Collins has expressed that the notion of working in service is foundational to what she refers to as intellectualactivism,
and the phraseology is taken up by many scholar-activists in their writing and praxis.
The crux of the matter lies in the question of to whom or to what we are in service. Although the dominance of neoliberal technologies of higher education
informed Bourdieu's intellectualactivism, the task
of the intellectual is to help the powerless in their struggle against those in
power, or the dominant in Bourdieu's terminology.
Since his anthropological studies in Algeria at the end of the 1950s Bourdieu
was conscience of the political nature of his academic work and of its political
implications. He saw himself essentially as a critical observer of political life: of
Democracy, social resources and political power in the European Union
French colonial policies in Algeria in the 1950s (The Algerians, 1962
Experiencing and negotiating the socialist project in Iceland
Smith (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of the History of Communism (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2014), 140–55.
I will adhere to the Icelandic tradition of calling people by their
first names. For more on Kristinn and Þóra see R. Magnúsdóttir,
‘Living socialism: an Icelandic couple and the fluidity between
paid work, voluntary work, and leisure’, Werkstatt Geschichte 79: Arbeit und
Freizeit (2018), 29–41; R. Magnúsdóttir, ‘Intellectualactivism
during the Cold War: Icelandic
Anti-racist scholar-activism and the neoliberal-imperial-institutionally-racist university
her theorisation of intellectualactivism, urges us to adopt two key strategies. The first relates to speaking truth to power , which requires us to use the power of knowledge to ‘confront existing power relations’ within society.
The second, speaking truth to the people , involves bypassing the powerful – and thus, conserving energy – to speak with those whom Collins calls ‘the masses’.
Key here is the idea of operating on multiple registers – that is, of
petit bourgeois intellectual must relinquish the social and material rewards they acquire through their servicing of the capitalist class, and instead allow the needs of working-class communities to set the agenda.
It is in a similar vein that the Black feminist Patricia Hill Collins describes intellectualactivism as ‘the myriad ways in which people place the power of their ideas in service to social justice’.
Thus, key to working in service is the notion that
Filmer in the 1640s and 1650s: political
troubles and intellectualactivism
AN IMPOrTANT FrIeNDsHIP
t was at Westminster that Filmer met one of his closest and most faithful
friends: ‘the officially accredited voice of Personal rule policies’ Peter Heylyn
(1599–1662).1 Notorious for his sharp tongue, Heylyn was not only a prolific
author but was the heavyweight of the Laudian theological, ecclesiastical and
ideological settlement. Once appointed to a stall at Westminster Abbey (1631),
Heylyn proved to be a skilful preacher whose doctrinal views