Just as the early decades of the twenty-first century were an era of independent curators and artists, they will be followed by a period when interdependent curatorial and artistic practices will emerge, solidify and thrive. This might sound like an expression of unfounded hope, in dark times marked by a pandemic, economic crisis and political obscurantism. Nevertheless, we must hope that interdependence is not a whimsical delusion, but rather a firm foundation for a coherent theoretical and practical programme. I follow here in the footsteps
This article illustrates the multi-generational influence of Baldwin’s
The Evidence of Things Not Seen on my path as a Black
scholar and draws connections between representation, identity, kinship, and the
interdependence of Black writers in the fight for social justice. Through
tracing Baldwin’s working relationship with my father, former editor of
Playboy magazine Walter Lowe Jr., I hope to illuminate the
relational underpinnings of Baldwin’s work on the Atlanta child murders,
thereby foregrounding the complexities of Black life. This article recognizes
Baldwin’s work in Evidence as more than just a new-wave
logistical, strategic, textual model of resistance but also as a mode of
artistic production arising from a tradition that is deeply felt, collaborative,
improvisational, and ancestrally rooted.
Hence a relational humanitarianism enables a more political response with
the aim to assist beyond mere survival.
Identity and belonging: Responsibility ‘derives from
those relations through which identity is constructed’ ( Massey, 2004 :10). Through acts of
solidarity, caring relations of special value are formed: relations are
built on interdependence between inherently vulnerable humans
This book traces discussions about international relations from the middle ages up to the present times. It presents central concepts in historical context and shows how ancient ideas still affect the way we perceive world politics. It discusses medieval theologians like Augustine and Aquinas whose rules of war are still in use. It presents Renaissance humanists like Machiavelli and Bodin who developed our understanding of state sovereignty. It argues that Enlightenment philosophers like Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau laid the basis for the modern analyses of International Relations (IR). Later thinkers followed up with balance-of-power models, perpetual-peace projects and theories of exploitation as well as peaceful interdependence. Classic IR theories have then been steadily refined by later thinkers – from Marx, Mackinder and Morgenthau to Waltz, Wallerstein and Wendt. The book shows that core ideas of IR have been shaped by major events in the past and that they have often reflected the concerns of the great powers. It also shows that the most basic ideas in the field have remained remarkably constant over the centuries.
Social democracy's often diffuse societal, intellectual and cultural influences have exceeded and outlasted Labour's direct electoral success. This book focuses questions relating to the popular values, mindsets and sense of citizenship needed to further social democracy on that deeper enterprise of this book. It reflects on the 'big picture' of social democracy and progressivism, both historical and contemporary. Part I takes the historical bird's eye view, exploring social democratic and liberal dilemmas that both pervaded the twentieth century and remain very much alive today. It suggests that scholars and political analysts tend to under-play the extent to which progressivism and the voters have managed to operate in constructive harmony. Tracing new and social liberalism's, distinctive offer of a fusion between social interdependence and individualism, the volume assesses the failure of this British liberalism to become the over-arching driver of politics. The Scottish secession from the United Kingdom in the aftermath of the Brexit referendum is also discussed. Part II takes stock of the critical scrutiny, discussing 'Western' democracies alongside the dominance and the extensive body of thought from David Marquand on citizenship, and especially Marquand's civic republican vision. Part III seeks to apply Marquand's search for the 'principled society', discusses social and psychological concept of 'neighbourliness', and examines the public good less as a fixed entity. Finally, the significance of Christopher Addison and his notions on the democratic socialism and liberal progressive traditions, and pluralism are discussed.
Cities have been missing from analyses of the crisis and debates about how to generate a sustainable recovery. Illuminating recent trends and emerging risks, Cities and Crisis is about the future, starting where we are. A fresh assessment is needed of what has changed since 1990 and what has not, of policy assumptions about urban economies, of the lessons of experience. Cities and Crisis looks at the strengths and weaknesses of macro-economic and sectoral policies to guide urban development in both declining and growing cities and regions. Without higher levels of urban innovation and infrastructure investment, growth will remain below potential. Stronger urban economies is not our only challenge. We can expect more frequent and more costly environmental, health, and even economic crises. Cities and Crisis frames a discussion of the vulnerability of cities, resilience, and the limits of domestic regulation to cope with mega-disasters and cross-border risks. The urban transformation which covers what must change in cities, to reduce the infrastructure deficit, improve productivity, and cope with emerging and known risks, must accelerate from the historical trend of 1-2% to 3-4% per year. This is unlikely to happen as long as governments seem unable to set out a vision of the future of cities. The urban agenda, including security and cross-border risks, will have a major impact on nation-states in the 21st century. The level of uncertainty must be reduced if people are to have confidence to invest for the future. The West has always resolved once-in-a-century crises with a paradigm shift that speaks to our collective fears and hopes. Drawing on dozens of OECD reports on economic, environmental and governance, Cities and Crisis provides a “long-term, big-time” framework to put cities at the centre of policy.
realisation that was made explicit in the PWP
discussions in the United States and Britain. This in turn led to a greatly
expanded economic institutionalisation, especially after the Bretton Woods
Conference of 1944 and the ‘compromise of embedded liberalism’.1
The economic ideas of the NWO had their roots in the classical liberal
capitalist tradition of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The ideas of
the ‘harmony of interests’ and what came to be called economic ‘interdependence’ have long been recognised by liberals as the key motor for the
reconciliation of nations
forged if it is to do so indirectly.
This social relationship may take a number of different forms, but whatever form it takes will generate interdependence and thereby a power balance between artists, support personnel and those to whom they supply musical services. And this power relationship will influence the music. The professional musician can only make a living from music which others are prepared to pay for and is therefore constrained by others’ tastes. In this chapter, I explore this interplay between resources, power and musicking.
by social change. In this chapter, I aim to
highlight how Dewey’s conception of creative democracy was also
informed by what he took to be the global interdependence of the
Great Society. This centres on how Dewey believed that creative
democracy needed to be exercised not only within America, but also
outside and between nation states and the various publics engendered
and scattered across the globe by what we have come to call the First
Great Globalization. To achieve this, the chapter will consist of three
sections. The first section highlights the globalized
South China Sea could be an exception to the rule. It is an area where the US potentially cannot exercise its control due to China's resources and political position on the matter (Peterson 2016 ).
Latin America and the European Union
The EU and Latin America have developed over time a different degree of interdependence at both the political and economic levels. Over the years, and in particular since the membership of the Iberian countries in 1986, the EU has developed relations with Latin America, and the other way round