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Cities have been missing from analyses of the crisis and debates about how to generate a sustainable recovery. Illuminating recent trends and emerging risks, Cities and Crisis is about the future, starting where we are.

A fresh assessment is needed of what has changed since 1990 and what has not, of policy assumptions about urban economies, of the lessons of experience. Cities and Crisis looks at the strengths and weaknesses of macro-economic and sectoral policies to guide urban development in both declining and growing cities and regions.

Without higher levels of urban innovation and infrastructure investment, growth will remain below potential.

Stronger urban economies is not our only challenge. We can expect more frequent and more costly environmental, health, and even economic crises. Cities and Crisis frames a discussion of the vulnerability of cities, resilience, and the limits of domestic regulation to cope with mega-disasters and cross-border risks.

The urban transformation which covers what must change in cities, to reduce the infrastructure deficit, improve productivity, and cope with emerging and known risks, must accelerate from the historical trend of 1-2% to 3-4% per year. This is unlikely to happen as long as governments seem unable to set out a vision of the future of cities. The urban agenda, including security and cross-border risks, will have a major impact on nation-states in the 21st century.

The level of uncertainty must be reduced if people are to have confidence to invest for the future. The West has always resolved once-in-a-century crises with a paradigm shift that speaks to our collective fears and hopes. Drawing on dozens of OECD reports on economic, environmental and governance, Cities and Crisis provides a “long-term, big-time” framework to put cities at the centre of policy.

This book traces discussions about international relations from the middle ages up to the present times. It presents central concepts in historical context and shows how ancient ideas still affect the way we perceive world politics. It discusses medieval theologians like Augustine and Aquinas whose rules of war are still in use. It presents Renaissance humanists like Machiavelli and Bodin who developed our understanding of state sovereignty. It argues that Enlightenment philosophers like Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau laid the basis for the modern analyses of International Relations (IR). Later thinkers followed up with balance-of-power models, perpetual-peace projects and theories of exploitation as well as peaceful interdependence. Classic IR theories have then been steadily refined by later thinkers – from Marx, Mackinder and Morgenthau to Waltz, Wallerstein and Wendt.

The book shows that core ideas of IR have been shaped by major events in the past and that they have often reflected the concerns of the great powers. It also shows that the most basic ideas in the field have remained remarkably constant over the centuries.

Citizens, mindsets, realities: Essays for David Marquand

Social democracy's often diffuse societal, intellectual and cultural influences have exceeded and outlasted Labour's direct electoral success. This book focuses questions relating to the popular values, mindsets and sense of citizenship needed to further social democracy on that deeper enterprise of this book. It reflects on the 'big picture' of social democracy and progressivism, both historical and contemporary. Part I takes the historical bird's eye view, exploring social democratic and liberal dilemmas that both pervaded the twentieth century and remain very much alive today. It suggests that scholars and political analysts tend to under-play the extent to which progressivism and the voters have managed to operate in constructive harmony. Tracing new and social liberalism's, distinctive offer of a fusion between social interdependence and individualism, the volume assesses the failure of this British liberalism to become the over-arching driver of politics. The Scottish secession from the United Kingdom in the aftermath of the Brexit referendum is also discussed. Part II takes stock of the critical scrutiny, discussing 'Western' democracies alongside the dominance and the extensive body of thought from David Marquand on citizenship, and especially Marquand's civic republican vision. Part III seeks to apply Marquand's search for the 'principled society', discusses social and psychological concept of 'neighbourliness', and examines the public good less as a fixed entity. Finally, the significance of Christopher Addison and his notions on the democratic socialism and liberal progressive traditions, and pluralism are discussed.

Andrew Williams

realisation that was made explicit in the PWP discussions in the United States and Britain. This in turn led to a greatly expanded economic institutionalisation, especially after the Bretton Woods Conference of 1944 and the ‘compromise of embedded liberalism’.1 The economic ideas of the NWO had their roots in the classical liberal capitalist tradition of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The ideas of the ‘harmony of interests’ and what came to be called economic ‘interdependence’ have long been recognised by liberals as the key motor for the reconciliation of nations

in Failed imagination?
Capitalism, industry and the mainstream
Nick Crossley

forged if it is to do so indirectly. This social relationship may take a number of different forms, but whatever form it takes will generate interdependence and thereby a power balance between artists, support personnel and those to whom they supply musical services. And this power relationship will influence the music. The professional musician can only make a living from music which others are prepared to pay for and is therefore constrained by others’ tastes. In this chapter, I explore this interplay between resources, power and musicking. In

in Connecting sounds
Open Access (free)
John Narayan

by social change. In this chapter, I aim to highlight how Dewey’s conception of creative democracy was also informed by what he took to be the global interdependence of the Great Society. This centres on how Dewey believed that creative democracy needed to be exercised not only within America, but also outside and between nation states and the various publics engendered and scattered across the globe by what we have come to call the First Great Globalization. To achieve this, the chapter will consist of three sections. The first section highlights the globalized

in John Dewey
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Sandra Buchanan

examination of Lederach’s interdependence, justice and process–structure gaps, alongside the core concepts of citizen empowerment, development aid and social and economic development, provided a working definition of conflict transformation along with five criteria outlining the essential requirements for successful conflict transformation. Together they provided the conceptual and

in Transforming conflict through social and economic development
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‘Shared experiences and meanings’
Carol Acton and Jane Potter

, DC. While medical histories have traditionally focused on the factual and concrete, our analyses of the accounts discussed here emphasise the interdependence of experience and emotion, and it is in exploring this interdependence that we find reflected specific commonalities. Although we separate the wars under discussion into their own chapters, in bringing them together collectively, similarities, more than differences, become increasingly visible. Looking at the experiences of trauma and the attendant methods of coping through which the medical personnel

in Working in a world of hurt
James Thompson

of their show The Grandchildren of Hiroshima , and the other a drama workshop programme for Year 1 (five-year-old) primary schoolchildren called Speech Bubbles. The third example comes from a performance of Ruff (2013) by Peggy Shaw and directed by Lois Weaver. In my engagement with these examples, I demonstrate how arts practices can produce or strengthen important interdependent social relations between groups and communities. By foregrounding these relationships in performance these projects invite us to recognise the importance of interdependence within

in Performing care
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Rhiannon Vickers

a version of British foreign policy based on internationalism, which stressed co-operation and interdependence, and a concern with the international as well as the national interest. In this, by far the most important influence on Labour’s foreign policy were liberal views of Vic2-00 _Vic00 10/03/2011 11:18 Page 3 INTRODUCTION 3 international relations. Thus, Labour sought a reformist rather than a radical or revolutionary approach to foreign policy. This study argues therefore that there has been a discernable Labour Party foreign policy throughout the

in The Labour Party and the world