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Author: Mary Gilmartin

Migration is one of the key issues in Ireland today. This book provides a new and original approach to understanding contemporary Irish migration and immigration, showing that they are processes that need to be understood together. It focuses on four key themes (work, social connections, culture and belonging) that are common to the experiences of immigrants, emigrants and internal migrants. The Gathering was an Irish government initiative held during 2013, bringing together festivals, concerts, seminars, family reunions under one convenient label, using it as a marketing campaign to encourage members of the Irish diaspora to visit Ireland. The 'Currents of Migration' map, together with the nuances of Ravenstein's discussion of migration, offer us a useful way to think about how we might map migration to and from Ireland. The emphasis on a close relationship between migration decisions and work has resulted in a wide range of research on the topic. The book describes social connections: on the ways in which we create, maintain and extend their social connections through the experience of migration. Migrants change the cultural structures and productions of particular places, and these changes may be welcomed to an extent, particularly in aspiring or already global cities. The temptations and complications of belonging become even more evident in association with migration. The book concludes by advocating for a place-based approach to migration, showing how this focus on Ireland as a specific place adds to our more general knowledge about migration as a process and as a lived experience.

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Mary Gilmartin

2 Mapping migration When Ernest Ravenstein published his ‘laws of migration’ in 1885, he illustrated his findings with a series of maps (Ravenstein 1885). Most of the maps show where internal migrants in the United Kingdom lived: these included maps of ‘the national element’, ‘the Irish element’, ‘the Scotch element’ and ‘the English element’. But one map attempts to show the movement of migrants (see Figure 2.1). It is entitled ‘Currents of Migration’, and at first glance it is difficult to make sense of. The map is in black and white and hand drawn, and is a

in Ireland and migration in the twenty-first century
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Mary Gilmartin

example is the break-up of the Soviet Union, where people who would previously have been considered internal migrants were transformed into international migrants (Arel 2002). However, this also highlights the issues with discussing migration with reference to international migration only. In the case of the Soviet Union, migration from Yekaterinburg (in Russia) to Vilnius (in Lithuania) would have been considered internal migration. Following the break-up, the same movement would have been considered international migration. Yet it involves the same distance travelled

in Ireland and migration in the twenty-first century
Eric Richards

genesis of international mass migration 10 There are currently reported to be about 200 million internal migrants in China. See Xin Meng and Chris Manning, The Great Migration: Rural-Urban Migration in China and Indonesia (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2010). The scale and character of these ‘tidal waves’ of internal migrants is well discussed in Delia Davin, Internal Migration in Contemporary China (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1999). 11 As reported by David Satterthwaite in the Guardian, 17 Jan. 2007. 12 H.J. Dyos, ‘The Victorian city in historical perspective’, in David

in The genesis of international mass migration
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History’s poor relation?
Alison Light

exchanges).5 Family history has certainly made me think about the illusion, and the ideological force, shored up by the census categories, of the notion of the ‘fixed abode’, as well as what is meant by ‘occupation’. Such lives also question the emphasis placed on the village or on the centrality of the parish as the source for the strongest feelings of belonging among the ‘labouring poor’.6 If the settlement laws operated as a kind of ‘border control’ for many internal migrants, preventing them from claiming relief under the parish poor law administration, then many of

in Emancipation and the remaking of the British imperial world
Eric Richards

these emigrants seem to have been different from the general type of internal migrant: there were fewer females, fewer singles, and a narrower age spread – in effect they possessed a different profile which may suggest that external migration affected a different lot of people. Yet Erickson also concludes that these people were in search of something lost in the changes – i.e. they were in some way gripped by ‘the agrarian myth’. They were presumably trying to stem the change and to recreate their vanishing world overseas.25 Thus, despite Erickson’s dismissal of the

in The genesis of international mass migration
Eric Richards

turning them out entirely from their lands’. He knew of an estate of 500 acres previously accommodating 40 families, of whom 30 had been evicted.12 Nothing is known of the fate of these people: they probably entered the ranks of the mobile internal migrants of rural Cork, perhaps leading eventually to the villages and towns and then perhaps overseas, to England, to Canada or to the United States. What is not in doubt is the pressure on the land itself and the ejection of the people; the system was being shaken more vigorously than ever before. The population of the

in The genesis of international mass migration
Eric Richards

decades. There was a great extent of ‘flux and reflux considerably in excess of the net movement’ of population within England at this time.40 Emigration was increasingly an urban phenomenon and no longer a direct result of the original discontinuity in the long story of emigration.41 The towns were now reproducing at an impressive rate and supplying the emigration machine with most of the candidates for America and Australia. London had always been the irresistible magnet of internal migrants from across the country and it is likely that its role as a channel for

in The genesis of international mass migration
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Victoria Kelley

unable to access the economy in more formal ways. Such people frequently include migrants (many of Hart’s respondents were internal migrants from rural areas) and women.31 While many scholars of the informal economy stress how difficult it is to formulate simple definitions,32 the three factors above are commonly cited, and all apply to the London street markets, suggesting that it might make sense to look at these markets through the lens of informality. London’s street markets were categorised as unauthorised, defining them in opposition to the London markets that

in Cheap Street
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Mary Gilmartin

paid less than their native counterparts, this has longer-term consequences for social cohesion. The third difference is the tendency to define people who migrate primarily in terms of their relationship with work. The term ‘labour migrant’ sums up this problem: the term is rarely used to describe internal migrants, who are characterised in much more complex ways. Yet, when people tell stories about why they chose to migrate, work is often just one of a number of factors that they mention. Other reasons for migration include relationships, such as love or family

in Ireland and migration in the twenty-first century