In twenty-first-century Chinese cities there are hundreds of millions of rural
migrants who are living temporary lives, suspended between urban and rural
China. They are the unsung heroes of the country’s ‘economic miracle’, yet are
regarded as second-class citizens in both a cultural, material and legal sense.
China’s citizenship challenge tells the story of how civic organisations set up
by some of these rural migrants challenge this citizenship marginalisation. The
book argues that in order to effectively address the problems faced by migrant
workers, these NGOs must undertake ‘citizenship challenge’: the transformation
of migrant workers’ social and political participation in public life, the
broadening of their access to labour and other rights, and the reinvention of
their relationship to the city. By framing the NGOs’ activism in terms of
citizenship rather than class struggle, this book offers a valuable contribution
to the field of labour movement studies in China. The monograph also proves
exceptionally timely in the context of the state’s repression of these
organisations in recent years, which, as the book explores, was largely driven
by their citizenship-altering activism.
Manchester: the postcolonial city
60–90), the extent of the personal and community trauma that were its
consequence is profound.2 Indeed, as far as its artists and writers are
concerned, there seems to be little doubt that it has been the repeated
mistakes of the city’s planners and developers that have made
Manchester a ‘problem city’. Moreover, of particular relevance to the
‘Moving Manchester’ project is the inference that it has been these
enforced internalmigrations of large numbers of the city’s inhabitants
(counted in their hundreds of thousands) that have
Citizenship challenge, social inequality and the insecure state
The book’s conclusion reflects further on the internal and external
limitations to citizenship challenge driven by migrant worker NGOs,
particularly in the light of the crackdown in recent years on activists and
NGOs under Xi Jinping. The chapter enquires what this crackdown signifies,
given that the main organisations targeted are labour NGOs, and what role
the ‘citizenship challenge’ has played in instigating the state’s harsh
response. The conclusion also extrapolates the findings beyond the case of
labour NGOs in China, by presenting the applicability of the citizenship
framework to other instances of civic activism in China and other states
facing internal migrations.
This book analyses the use of the past and the production of heritage through architectural design in the developmental context of Iran. It is the first of its kind to utilize a multidisciplinary approach in probing the complex relationship between architecture, development, and heritage. It uses established theoretical concepts including notions of globalism, nostalgia, tradition, and authenticity to show that development is a major cause of historical transformations in places such as Iran and its effects must be seen in relation to global political and historical exchanges as well as local specificities. Iran is a pertinent example as it has endured radical cultural and political shifts in the past five decades. Scholars of heritage and architecture will find the cross-disciplinary aspects of the book useful. The premise of the book is that transposed into other contexts, development, as a globalizing project originating in the West, instigates renewed forms of historical consciousness and imaginations of the past. This is particularly evident in architecture where, through design processes, the past produces forms of architectural heritage. But such historic consciousness cannot be reduced to political ideology, while politics is always in the background. The book shows this through chapters focusing on theoretical context, international exchanges made in architectural congresses in the 1970s, housing as the vehicle for everyday heritage, and symbolic public architecture intended to reflect monumental time. The book is written in accessible language to benefit academic researchers and graduate students in the fields of heritage, architecture, and Iranian and Middle Eastern studies.
In this broad sweep, Mayo explores dominant European discourses of higher education, in the contexts of different globalisations and neoliberalism, and examines its extension to a specific region. It explores alternatives in thinking and practice including those at the grassroots, also providing a situationally grounded project of university–community engagement. Signposts for further directions for higher education lifelong learning, with a social justice purpose, are provided.
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
example is the
break-up of the Soviet Union, where people who would previously have
been considered internal migrants were transformed into international
migrants (Arel 2002). However, this also highlights the issues with discussing migration with reference to international migration only. In the
case of the Soviet Union, migration from Yekaterinburg (in Russia) to
Vilnius (in Lithuania) would have been considered internalmigration.
Following the break-up, the same movement would have been considered international migration. Yet it involves the same distance travelled
lost population by way of emigration. Within every story there were conditions which prompted this outward
impulse. They each exhibited certain common features as well as special local
Each place – West Cork, Shropshire, West Sussex, Kent, Swaledale, the
Highlands, the Isle of Man, Cornwall and many other locations – all experienced
sudden and unprecedented population increases; their agricultural populations
rose and eventually fell absolutely as the national population continuously
increased. Everywhere, internalmigration to local places syphoned
how much mobility
was there in pre-industrial Europe? Internalmigration had been widespread but,
as in England, it was generally limited in its scope, with little effect on the balance
of population in most localities: mobility was confined within a relatively narrow
compass, with little long-distance migration except in unusual circumstances.
Emigration was a different matter since it took population right out of the
Tenurial traditions probably constrained the movement of populations in
much of Europe. When the English writer Mary Wollstonecraft visited
, 1986), pp. 295–337.
26 The decline of rural craftsmen’s employment is considered in Saville, ‘Internalmigration’, 9–10, 13. Moreover female employment fell greatly and was precipitating much
internalmigration, compounded by the loss of employment in cottage industries.
This tendency probably pre-dated the absolute decline of the rural population.
27 Wrigley, ‘Men on the land’, pp. 295–337.
28 Erickson, Leaving England, p. 13.
29 See Eric Richards, Destination Australia: Migration to Australia since 1901 (Sydney:
University of New South Wales Press, 2008