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An incomplete aspiration

This book examines the topic of an independent ‘Kashmir’ and why this political aspiration to be self-governing and free from coerced subordination to another nation remains unsatisfied. It focuses on how Maharaja Hari Singh, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah and Muslim Kashmiris have envisioned or sought independence for Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), or for their particular region within this disputed entity. Hari Singh and Sheikh Abdullah were the two most significant figures in J&K in the twentieth century. They also were political rivals, united briefly in 1947 by not wanting J&K to join Pakistan and by an indecisive desire for an independent J&K. After acceding to India, Singh quickly became redundant. Through a tumultuous political career, Abdullah strove for independence or maximum autonomy for J&K. In 1988, disenchanted Muslim Kashmiris surprisingly began a violent anti-India uprising seeking azadi (independence, freedom) for their region or for it to join Pakistan. Kashmiris remain severely disgruntled and this insurgency continues to pose challenges for India. By concentrating on these two men and this insurgency, the book provides a focused, in-depth history of J&K from the mid-1920s, when Hari Singh became J&K’s ruler, to the present time, when many Kashmiris still crave azadi from India. While an ‘independent Kashmir’ is a long envisioned aspiration, the book concludes that it is likely to remain incomplete while India and Pakistan exist in their current structures, while India is strong and unified, and while Kashmiris are disunified and uncertain about what status they want for their homelands.

Abstract only
Laura Cahillane

outcome of a truce which brought an end to centuries of revolutionary struggle in Ireland. The agreement provided for the creation of a new Irish state, which would remain within the British Commonwealth but would have internal autonomy. Previous to this, Ireland had been part of the United Kingdom, a position violently resisted by many Irish. In 1916, a revolutionary group within the state had initiated a rising,3 which eventually led to a war of independence which lasted from 1919 until the truce in 1921. However, the Treaty agreement was a controversial one and was

in Drafting the Irish Free State Constitution
Angela K. Bourne

(Mangas and Liñán, 2004: 516–7; 524–5; Aja 2003: 165; Börzel 2002: 104–6, 60–6, 77; Hrbek 1999: 289). It is also important to be aware that conceptions of the state as a unitary actor in international affairs must sit alongside the principle of internal autonomy, which supposes that a state’s system of government and the distribution of power among regional and central authorities is a purely internal matter (Mangas 1998; Jiménez 1999: 172). Together, these principles mean that there need not be an obstacle to regional or local authorities playing a part in the

in The European Union and the accommodation of Basque difference in Spain
Christopher Snedden

Landed Estates Abolition Act. 100 Abdullah and his colleagues may have been acting unilaterally before New Delhi attempted to tie the state closer to India legally, administratively and stiflingly, as later happened. Nevertheless, up until mid-1951, Abdullah had no complaints about any Indian interference in J&K's internal autonomy, as he noted in his first major address to the Constituent Assembly in November 1951. 101 Beforehand

in Independent Kashmir
Ryan Wolfson-Ford

France to preserve internal autonomy while making the most of its financial, administrative and technical support. He realised the dangers confronting newly independent post-colonial states as well as the threat of continued insurgency. Though hostile to more radical change and elitist in outlook, the King did not dispense with democracy as he navigated the transformation of the monarchy into an era of constitutions, nationalism and popular sovereignty. Sisavang Vong thereby created the modern monarchy of Laos despite serious opposition from several quarters. On

in Monarchies and decolonisation in Asia
Guinean nationalism in the 1950s
Mairi MacDonald

Guinea did he risk expressing disappointment that De Gaulle’s draft constitution did not spell out the rights of the territories to ‘internal autonomy’ or ‘self-determination’. In a telegram to Bernard Cornut-Gentille, by now the minister of overseas France, Touré wrote of the elevation of the (African) leaders of AOF’s territorial assemblies to their respective presidencies that: ‘I consider [it] to be an important step towards the precise definition of the [respective] powers of the Republic and of the African states, whose right to independence must unequivocally be

in Francophone Africa at fifty
From Ecouvillon to Lamantin (1958–1978)
Camille Evrard

of Moroccan independence, 1956 was also the year in which French overseas territories began developing towards internal autonomy after the adoption of the loi-cadre (see Keese 2003, and in this volume Chapter 1 by Shipway). This had great significance for the military, as the formation of territorial governments in 1957 meant that the army was obliged to gradually adapt to a ‘local’ authority on one hand, and to the central authority of the metropole on the other. Istiqlal claims over Mauritanian territory led to the deployment of a reinforced military presence in

in Francophone Africa at fifty
Regal ministers of eclipsed empires in India
Priya Naik

1911 were the states sorted according to size and scale, the largest and most powerful – Baroda, Gwalior, Hyderabad, Kashmir and Mysore – being given 21-gun salutes, trickling down to the 9-gun salute states of Panna and Dewas. While the states were granted internal autonomy under paramountcy (1858–1947), technological developments such as aviation, roads, telegraphs and railways nibbled away at these boundaries between the Indian princely states and British India, so much so that motorcars belonging to each state had to bear the state’s name on a red number plate. 2

in Monarchies and decolonisation in Asia
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Great white hope of the Edwardian imperial romancers
Norman Etherington

small peoples to join it. Egypt, Persia and Mesopotamia, if assured of eventual dominion status, and present internal autonomy, would be delighted to affiliate with us, and would then cost us no more in men and money than Canada or Australia. In practical terms, leadership of Britain’s Arab dominion would eventually

in Imperium of the soul
Angela K. Bourne

Maastricht Treaty redrafted article 146 of the EC Treaty (now article 203) to permit regional ministers authorised by their state to be Council members, although this was not explicit.19 Representatives must act on behalf of their state – rather than their own region – and each member state must authorise one representative to vote in its name (Sobrino 1998: 64; Mangas and Liñán 2004: 533–4). The Treaty does not specify which regions, from which states, should participate in Council meetings. These were questions which, in accordance with the principle of internal autonomy

in The European Union and the accommodation of Basque difference in Spain