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In twenty-first-century Chinese cities there are hundreds of millions of rural migrants who are living temporary lives, suspended between urban and rural China. They are the unsung heroes of the country’s ‘economic miracle’, yet are regarded as second-class citizens in both a cultural, material and legal sense. China’s citizenship challenge tells the story of how civic organisations set up by some of these rural migrants challenge this citizenship marginalisation. The book argues that in order to effectively address the problems faced by migrant workers, these NGOs must undertake ‘citizenship challenge’: the transformation of migrant workers’ social and political participation in public life, the broadening of their access to labour and other rights, and the reinvention of their relationship to the city. By framing the NGOs’ activism in terms of citizenship rather than class struggle, this book offers a valuable contribution to the field of labour movement studies in China. The monograph also proves exceptionally timely in the context of the state’s repression of these organisations in recent years, which, as the book explores, was largely driven by their citizenship-altering activism.
Manchester: the postcolonial city 25 60–90), the extent of the personal and community trauma that were its consequence is profound.2 Indeed, as far as its artists and writers are concerned, there seems to be little doubt that it has been the repeated mistakes of the city’s planners and developers that have made Manchester a ‘problem city’. Moreover, of particular relevance to the ‘Moving Manchester’ project is the inference that it has been these enforced internal migrations of large numbers of the city’s inhabitants (counted in their hundreds of thousands) that have
The book’s conclusion reflects further on the internal and external limitations to citizenship challenge driven by migrant worker NGOs, particularly in the light of the crackdown in recent years on activists and NGOs under Xi Jinping. The chapter enquires what this crackdown signifies, given that the main organisations targeted are labour NGOs, and what role the ‘citizenship challenge’ has played in instigating the state’s harsh response. The conclusion also extrapolates the findings beyond the case of labour NGOs in China, by presenting the applicability of the citizenship framework to other instances of civic activism in China and other states facing internal migrations.
example is the break-up of the Soviet Union, where people who would previously have been considered internal migrants were transformed into international migrants (Arel 2002). However, this also highlights the issues with discussing migration with reference to international migration only. In the case of the Soviet Union, migration from Yekaterinburg (in Russia) to Vilnius (in Lithuania) would have been considered internal migration. Following the break-up, the same movement would have been considered international migration. Yet it involves the same distance travelled
lost population by way of emigration. Within every story there were conditions which prompted this outward impulse. They each exhibited certain common features as well as special local characteristics. Each place – West Cork, Shropshire, West Sussex, Kent, Swaledale, the Highlands, the Isle of Man, Cornwall and many other locations – all experienced sudden and unprecedented population increases; their agricultural populations rose and eventually fell absolutely as the national population continuously increased. Everywhere, internal migration to local places syphoned
worst pandemic records in the world. References Abbas , R. ( 2016 ). ‘ Internal migration and citizenship in India ’, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies , 42 ( 1 ): 150–168 . doi: 10.1080/1369183X.2015.1100067 . Bourgois , P. ( 1988 ). ‘ Conjugated oppression: Class and
how much mobility was there in pre-industrial Europe? Internal migration had been widespread but, as in England, it was generally limited in its scope, with little effect on the balance of population in most localities: mobility was confined within a relatively narrow compass, with little long-distance migration except in unusual circumstances. Emigration was a different matter since it took population right out of the system.11 Tenurial traditions probably constrained the movement of populations in much of Europe. When the English writer Mary Wollstonecraft visited
This book analyses the use of the past and the production of heritage through architectural design in the developmental context of Iran. It is the first of its kind to utilize a multidisciplinary approach in probing the complex relationship between architecture, development, and heritage. It uses established theoretical concepts including notions of globalism, nostalgia, tradition, and authenticity to show that development is a major cause of historical transformations in places such as Iran and its effects must be seen in relation to global political and historical exchanges as well as local specificities. Iran is a pertinent example as it has endured radical cultural and political shifts in the past five decades. Scholars of heritage and architecture will find the cross-disciplinary aspects of the book useful. The premise of the book is that transposed into other contexts, development, as a globalizing project originating in the West, instigates renewed forms of historical consciousness and imaginations of the past. This is particularly evident in architecture where, through design processes, the past produces forms of architectural heritage. But such historic consciousness cannot be reduced to political ideology, while politics is always in the background. The book shows this through chapters focusing on theoretical context, international exchanges made in architectural congresses in the 1970s, housing as the vehicle for everyday heritage, and symbolic public architecture intended to reflect monumental time. The book is written in accessible language to benefit academic researchers and graduate students in the fields of heritage, architecture, and Iranian and Middle Eastern studies.
, 1986), pp. 295–337. 26 The decline of rural craftsmen’s employment is considered in Saville, ‘Internal migration’, 9–10, 13. Moreover female employment fell greatly and was precipitating much internal migration, compounded by the loss of employment in cottage industries. This tendency probably pre-dated the absolute decline of the rural population. 27 Wrigley, ‘Men on the land’, pp. 295–337. 28 Erickson, Leaving England, p. 13. 29 See Eric Richards, Destination Australia: Migration to Australia since 1901 (Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 2008
contexts. In Ireland, there are no legal restrictions on internal migration for Irish or other citizens who have a right to reside in the country. People are free to move between urban and rural areas, for example, or within urban areas. Unlike in the US, there are no regional differences in professional certification, so once a doctor is registered to work in Ireland, he or she is in theory free to work anywhere in the country (Ellis 2012). In practice, however, there are some restrictions. For example, people who are dependent on the state for housing do not have