Nuclear weapons and
In 2000, almost every state in the world (all except Cuba, India, Israel and
Pakistan) publicly subscribed once again to the principle that the spread
of nuclear weapons to states not already possessing them is dangerous
to internationalsecurity and that it should therefore be energetically
discouraged.1 The occasion was the latest review conference of the 30year-old NPT, the chief international instrument for restricting nuclear
proliferation, and for reversing such proliferation as has occurred, if its
This book provides an introduction to the technical aspects of nuclear energy and nuclear weapons. It considers nuclear weapons from varying perspectives, including the technology perspective, which views them as spillovers from nuclear energy programmes; and the theoretical perspective, which looks at the collision between national and international security involved in nuclear proliferation. The book aims to demonstrate that international security is unlikely to benefit from encouraging the spread of nuclear weapons except in situations where the security complex is already largely nuclearised. The political constraints on nuclear spread as solutions to the security dilemma are also examined in three linked categories, including a discussion of the phenomenon of nuclear-free zones, with particular emphasis on the zone covering Latin America. The remarkably consistent anti-proliferation policies of the United States are debated, and the nuclear non-proliferation treaty itself, with special attention paid to the International Atomic Energy Agency's safeguards system, is frankly appraised.
The conflict in Kosovo represents a significant watershed in post-Cold War international security. Interpreting its political and operational significance should reveal important clues for understanding international security in the new millennium. This text analyses the international response to the crisis in Kosovo and its broader implications, by examining its diplomatic, military and humanitarian features. Despite the widely held perception that the conflict in Kosovo has implications for international security, unravelling them can be challenging, as it remains an event replete with paradoxes. There are many such paradoxes. The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) entered into the conflict ostensibly to head off a humanitarian catastrophe, only to accelerate the catastrophe by engaging in a bombing campaign; the political aims of all the major players contradicted the military means chosen by them in the conflict. The Russian role in the diplomatic efforts demonstrated that NATO did not want Russia to be involved but in the end needed its involvement. Russia opposed the bombing campaign but ultimately did not have enough power or influence to rise above a role as NATO's messenger; the doctrinal hurdles to achieving ‘immaculate coercion’ by use of air power alone seemed to tumble in the face of apparent success; it is ultimately unclear how or why NATO succeeded.
This book explores citizens’ perceptions and experiences of security threats in contemporary Britain, drawing on perspectives from International Security Studies and Political Psychology. The empirical chapters are based on twenty focus groups across six British cities and a large sample survey conducted between April and September 2012. These data are used to investigate the extent to which diverse publics share government framings of certain issues as the most pressing security threats, to assess the origins of perceptions of specific security threats ranging from terrorism to environmental degradation, to investigate what makes some people feel more threatened by these issues than others, to examine the effects of threats on other areas of politics such as harbouring stereotypes of minorities or prioritising public spending on border control over health, and to evaluate the effectiveness of government messages about security threats and attempts to change citizens’ behaviour as part of the risk management cycle. The book demonstrates widespread heterogeneity in perceptions of issues as security threats and in their origins, with implications for the extent to which shared understandings of threats are an attainable goal. The concluding chapter summarises the findings and discusses their implications for government and public opinion in the future. While this study focuses on the British case, its combination of quantitative and qualitative methods seeks to make broader theoretical and methodological contributions to scholarship produced in Political Science, International Relations, Political Psychology, and Security Studies.
Can Russia, the European Union and the three major EU member states adopt a unified policy line in the global arena? This book investigates the cohesiveness of ‘greater Europe’ through the detailed scrutiny of policy statements by the leadership elites in the UK, France, Germany, Russia and the EU in connection with three defining events in international security. The crisis in Kosovo of 1999; the terrorist attacks of 9/11 and the Iraq crisis of 2003. This extensive empirical enquiry results in a critical constructivist response to neorealist understandings of European security. The book contrasts the EU's new way of ‘doing security’ with the established, competitive bilateral interplay in the European security sphere and provides a clue to the kind of security politics that will prevail in Europe. A joint Moscow Brussels approach would improve the chances of both increasing their relative strength vis-a-vis the USA, but serious cleavages threaten to undermine such a ‘greater European’ common view on security. The book considers the extent to which the major European players pursue similar objectives, and assesses the possible implications for and the chances of greater Europe emerging as a cohesive global actor.
A Model for Historical Reflection in the Humanitarian Sector
Kevin O’Sullivan and Réiseal Ní Chéilleachair
understandings of humanitarian intervention as a tool of internationalsecurity,
raised questions about NGO engagement with, or disregard for, local politics and
offered massive logistical challenges in the delivery of aid ( Harper, 2012 ). Its legacy still resonates, about how
complex decision-making processes are implemented in pressurised situations and how
task-focused approaches have shifted attention from outcomes and their wider social
Architecture, Building and Humanitarian Innovation
–Security Nexus: Linking Cyber-Humanitarianism and Drone
Warfare ’ in
Handbook of InternationalSecurity and Development
( Cheltenham : Edward
Elgar ), pp.
80 – 94 .
M. ( 2019 ), Post-humanitarianism: Governing
Precarity in the Digital World
This book is an interpretive history of transatlantic security from the
negotiation of the North Atlantic Treaty in 1948–1949 to the turbulence created
by President Trump, British departure from the European Union (Brexit) and the
COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. The book concludes with analyses of possible futures
for the West and observes “the most disruptive force of all has been the
American presidency of Donald J. Trump. Trump refused to accept virtually all
the political and strategic assumptions on which transatlantic political,
economic, financial, and security relations have been based for 70 years. And,
given the transatlantic alliance’s heavy reliance on American leadership and
involvement, Trump’s lack of commitment has placed huge question marks over the
This book offers a brief review of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations from 1947 to 2014. It examines international politics at the United Nations from 1988 to 1991 when the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) dissolved. The book offers new explanations for the dwindling support for UN peacekeeping operations from late 1993 to 1995. It examines the diplomatic discussions at the Security Council, the General Assembly and the UN Secretariat on the objectives and principles of success of the operations from January 1992 to mid-1993. It is accepted by researchers and even the UN Secretariat that peacekeeping operations can be divided into two separate time periods: from 1947-88, or the Cold War era, and from 1988 to the present, the post-Cold War era. The book further explains what occurred in the UN during 1995 that called for a re-examination of the new concept and practice of peacekeeping in civil wars. It shows how the international community succeeded in providing only part of the requirements for the many operations, and especially for the large multidimensional operations in Cambodia, the former Yugoslavia and Somalia. Finally, the book emphasises the importance of regional organisations with regard to the maintenance of international peace and security.
, and where will Germany look for partners in a world of terrorist violence and pre-emptive military strikes?
Drawing on theories of strategic culture this book analyses the process and
outcome of Germany’s transformation. It shows how the new German security
posture is based on a working consensus between two very diﬀerent domestic
schools of thought about internationalsecurity and Germany’s role in the world.
These two competing schools emerged after Germany’s 1945 defeat and crystallised during the post-war period. One emphasised the importance of international