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Neutrality and crisis
Mary Hilson

3 The politics of international co-operation: neutrality and crisis Delivering his presidential address to the 1934 international co-operative congress in London, Väinö Tanner reflected on the profound economic and political changes which had buffeted the co-operative movement since the previous congress.1 The early 1930s were difficult years for the ICA. In 1933 it had to take the unusual step of postponing its congress, and in the same year it lost one of its largest and most important members when the German co-operative movement was taken over by the Nazis

Democracy, citizenship and internationalism, c.1918–45

In the decades following Europe's first total war, millions of British men and women looked to the League of Nations as the symbol and guardian of a new world order based on international co-operation. Founded in 1919 to preserve peace between its member-states, the League inspired a rich, participatory culture of political protest, popular education and civic ritual that found expression in the establishment of voluntary societies in dozens of countries across Europe and beyond. Through the hugely popular League of Nations Union (LNU), this pro-League movement touched Britain in profound ways. Foremost amongst the League societies, the LNU became a pioneering advocate of democratic accountability and popular engagement in the making of foreign policy. This book offers an account of this popular League consciousness, revealing the extraordinarily vibrant character of associational life between the wars. It explores the complex constituencies making up the popular League movement and shows how internationalism intersected with class, gender, religion and party politics during a period of profound social, cultural and political change.

Open Access (free)
The European Union and its member states

This book takes up traditional approaches to political science. It aims to offer a mixture of conventional and specific analyses and insights for different groups of readers. In view of the European Union's multi-level and multi-actor polity, the book highlights the complex procedural and institutional set-up of nation states preparing and implementing decisions made by the institutions of the European Community (EC). In looking at the emerging and evolving realities of the European polity, it shows how European institutions and Member States (re-)act and interact in a new institutional and procedural set-up. It explores how governmental and non-governmental actors in different national settings adapt to common challenges, constraints and opportunities for which they are mainly themselves responsible. The book discusses the Belgian policy toward European integration as a significant demonstration of its commitment to multilateralism and international co-operation in security and economic affairs. Attitudes to European integration in Denmark, Germany, Finland, Greece, and Spain are discussed. Tendencies towards 'Europeanisation' and 'sectoralisation' of the ministerial administration during the process of European integration and the typical administrative pluralism of the Italian political system seem to have mutually reinforced each other. Strong multi-level players are able to increase their access and influence at both levels and to use their position on one level for strengthening their say on the other. German and Belgian regions might develop into these kinds of actors. A persistent trend during the 1990s is traced towards stronger national performers, particularly in terms of adaptations and reactions to Maastricht Treaty.

The International Co-operative Alliance (ICA) before and after the First World War
Mary Hilson

nations that had recently been at war, while the 1924 Ghent congress was seen as important in re-focusing the activities of the ICA on internal co-operative matters, as the post-war situation had stabilised.61 The 1927 Stockholm congress was billed in advance as the biggest yet, ‘a definite stage in the progress of International Co-operation’, according to the Alliance’s general secretary.62 This was followed by an even grander congress in Vienna in 1930, which was attended by 554 delegates from 35 countries and could justifiably be described as the high point of co

Open Access (free)
Europeanisation and Belgian federalism
Christian Franck
Hervé Leclercq
, and
Claire Vandevievere

2444Ch3 3/12/02 3 2:02 pm Page 69 Christian Franck, Hervé Leclercq and Claire Vandevievere Belgium: Europeanisation and Belgian federalism Introduction: European integration as a historical lesson of neutrality For about fifty years, the Belgian policy toward European integration is the most significant demonstration Belgium has made of its commitment to multilateralism and international co-operation in security as well as in economic affairs. Even if Belgium had already illustrated such an orientation through its participation in multilateral trade and

in Fifteen into one?

to conduct marine scientific research in the various maritime zones into which the sea is divided. The chapter continues by outlining the general principles governing the conduct of all marine scientific research, discussing the legal status of equipment and installations used in conducting research, and detailing international co-operation in marine research. The last part of the chapter reviews the conduct of marine

in The law of the sea
Will inter-dependence reshape rules for the twenty-first century?
Josef W. Konvitz

-dependence is not a checklist, a map, not even an ­inventory: it is a mind-set. We are left with the paradox that urban development may benefit from greater decentralization and autonomy within nation-states, whereas international co-operation to reduce risks to cities depends on strengthening nation-states. Can these two objectives be reconciled in 276 Cities and paradigms a sustainable balance? Or does that balance come only as the result of steering towards one objective and then towards the other? Some cities and regions are already trying to show how they can “go it

in Cities and crisis

UN peacekeeping is a core pillar of the multilateral peace and security architecture and a multi-billion-dollar undertaking reshaping lives around the world. In spite of this, the engagement between the literatures on UN peacekeeping and International Relations theory has been a slow development. This has changed in recent years, and there is now a growing interest tin examining UN peacekeeping from various theoretical perspectives to yield insights about how international relations are changing and developing. The volume is the first comprehensive overview of multiple theoretical perspectives on UN peacekeeping. There are two main uses of this volume. First, this volume provides the reader with insights into different theoretical lenses and how they can be applied practically to understanding UN peacekeeping better. Second, through case studies in each chapter, the volume provides practical examples of how International Relations theories – such as realism, liberal institutionalism, rational choice institutionalism, sociological institutionalism, feminist institutionalism, constructivism, critical security studies, practice theory, and complexity theory – can be applied to a specific policy issue. Applying these theories enhances our understanding of why UN peacekeeping, as an international institution, has evolved in a particular direction and functions the way that it does. The insights generated in the volume can also help shed light on other international institutions as well as the broader issue of international co-operation.

Josef W. Konvitz

The ultimate test of how well prepared a society is to cope with and recover from a crisis is another crisis. The lessons of the economic crisis of 2008 show how long it takes to bring about reforms, and how difficult international co-operation to achieve greater coherence can be. Looking to the future, disasters – global and local – are likely to exceed past trends, challenging the capacity of individual countries to absorb their impact. Cross-border, cross-sectoral, place-based strategies will be difficult for governments to introduce and implement, as illustrated by examples from the past two decades, and by the risks associated with flooding. Earlier in the 20th century, modern networked infrastructure utilities were seen as a point of vulnerability, but bombing in war did not bring about an expected collapse of urban societies and economies. Instead, this experience highlighted the factors of resilience. Strengthening resilience makes sense but it is not a cost-free strategy. The greatest risk to resilience comes from the fragmentation of society and a loss of social capital.

in Cities and crisis
Mary Hilson

triggered the question of what the principles of consumer co-operation actually were, which was to be settled by the decision to establish an enquiry on the Rochdale principles at the same time.32 The need for compromise was also supported by evidence of the continued expansion of the ICA. Taking stock of the events of 1930 in the Review of International Co-operation, Henry May reported that of the 70 million individuals estimated to be members of an ICA-affiliated co-operative society in 1930, the majority (48.2 million) were members of consumer co-operatives, but a