The first European Union's (EU) enlargement of the twenty-first century coincides with a period of international tension and transition. Tensions have been apparent over: the war in Iraq, the 'War on Terror', immigration, organised crime, ethnic confrontation, human rights, energy resources and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). The EU has made genuine progress in developing its security policies since the launch of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) in the Treaty on European Union (TEU). This book examines the impact that enlargement will have on leadership within the EU, a pre-requisite for policy coherence. It focuses on what has been Europe's most significant region in terms of security challenges and international responses since the end of the Cold War: the Balkan. The book provides an overview of the foreign policy priorities and interests of the new member states (NMS), highlighting areas of match and mismatch with those of the EU fifteen. Counter-terrorism has emerged from the shadows of the EU's Third Pillar, and has been propelled to the forefront of the EU's internal agenda, driven by the demands of the 'War on Terror'. The book discusses the core elements of the EU's emerging common external border management, with a focus on the creation of the EU's new External Borders Agency and the Schengen Borders Code. While the first two are declarative partnership and declarative negativism, the last two reflect the struggle between pragmatism and Soviet-style suspicion of Western bureaucrats.
, albeit when stealing from local shops. Bryan argued that, instead of the youths being punished, these ﬁne British traits should be nurtured, and even cited A. S. Neil’s controversial Summerhill school as the most conducive environment to achieve this.11 However, at the root of this new sympathy was a notion shared with the traditionalists that some form of intervention was required to strengthen both the physical and moral ﬁbre of the nation’s stock of youth, particularly in a period of international tension. Social observers sympathetic to the ‘little adventures’ of
As international tension increased during the 1930s, the idea that the empire could compensate for French demographic, economic and military weakness next to the fascist powers gained favour in Paris. It was widely assumed in government and parliament that the colonial contribution to any future war in Europe would exceed that of 1914–18. And
policies which cause international tension. We must also remember that disorder is an explicit goal of Putin; a divided Europe benefits Russia. National-populist association with this aim will scarcely reassure those fearful of the movement. Rather than peaceably reconciling different interests, national populism thus involves the belligerent assertion of a particular interest, potentially jeopardizing the welfare of all. Its reaction to globalization is disproportionate. Recent changes have disadvantaged national-populist supporters, yet the tendency of national
This book analyses the development of male leisure against the changing notions of citizenship which underpinned perceptions of British society during the period 1850-1945. It opens with an examination of the 'leisure' problem of the middle decades of the nineteenth century. After the defeat of Chartism and associated challenges to the employers' right to organise the workplace, factory owners, the clergy and philanthropists established schemes of rational recreation designed to attract and educate working-class males. The book explores how schemes of rational recreation attempted to create the model citizen and the impact of these strategies on male working-class leisure. Taking three influential leisure activities - drink, the music hall and association football - the book explores their impact on both concepts of citizenship and male leisure patterns. In addition, commercial leisure also highlighted the marked gender divides in leisure activities found within working-class households. The book investigates the generational issues that shaped male working-class leisure. The increase in non-apprenticed semi-skilled work, particularly in the 'new' industry regions, raised fears that monotonous working practices and new leisure activities were a dangerous social cocktail. Moreover the book investigates how, during the late Victorian and early Edwardian era, the problem of a 'degenerate' youth became entwined with anxieties over the future of empire. It further contextualises male leisure against the dominant concerns between 1918 and 1945. This era saw the suburbanisation of British cities, continued anxieties over male citizenry and increased international tensions that led to war.
, which generally set the tone for the issue, provides valuable indications in this regard. For the period 1892–1913, out of a total of 572 illustrations, militarism is evoked in 57 front pages, international tensions in 51, external policy in 20, and colonialism in 19. Even if it is not practicable to add these figures together, because the front page frequently covered several themes which were largely interwoven, it can be estimated that approximately one illustration in five addressed the struggle against militarism and imperialism, which places this theme in third
take, was of much more than local concern; it was influenced by the international tensions mentioned above. The Pathans The tribes living in the frontier area for which Punjab was responsible were called, by the British, Pathans – more properly Pukhtuns or Pushtuns depending on the vagaries of dialect – who were made up of a number of groups, Waziris
development.37 Although citizenship continued to strive to create bonds between the individual and the state, the Victorian and Edwardian ‘civic gospel’ emphasis was superseded by the desire to maintain ‘national Introduction efﬁciency’. In a period of increasing suburbanisation, modern paternalist employers such as Sir Alfred Herbert replaced the civic elite as the moral guardians of popular leisure pursuits.38 In a period of increased domestic and international tensions, employers justiﬁed their involvement in their immediate local community on a number of levels. The
international tension as a metaphor employed of the private life, even if Bowen proceeds to claim that her complex people are ‘unobjective with regard to society; their standards are entirely personal.’ 1 One can point to work by Samuel Beckett, Dennis Johnston, Louis MacNeice, Flann O’Brien and Francis Stuart which, turning at some level upon the reality of the war, marked a
heightened. The first EU enlargement of the twenty-first century coincides with a period of international tension and transition. Tensions have been apparent over: the war in Iraq, the ‘War on Terror’, immigration, organised crime, ethnic confrontation, human rights, energy resources and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). In parallel, within the EU, there is a sense of