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The European Union (EU) has emerged as an important security actor qua actor, not only in the non-traditional areas of security, but increasingly as an entity with force projection capabilities. This book investigates how the concept of security relates to or deals with different categories of threat, explores the relationship between forms of coordination among states, international institutions, and the provision of European security and the execution of security governance. It also investigates whether the EU has been effective in realising its stated security objectives and those of its member states. The book commences with a discussion on the changing nature of the European state, the changing nature and broadening of the security agenda, and the problem of security governance in the European political space. There are four functional challenges facing the EU as a security actor: the resolution of interstate conflicts, the management of intrastate conflicts, state-building endeavours, and building the institutions of civil society. The book then examines policies of prevention, particularly the pre-emption of conflict within Europe and its neighbourhood. It moves on to examine policies of assurance, particularly the problem of peace-building in south-eastern Europe. EU's peace-building or sustaining role where there has been a violent interstate or intrastate conflict, especially the origins and performance of the Stability Pact, is discussed. Finally, the book looks at the policies of protection which capture the challenge of internal security.

Abstract only
Math Noortmann
and
Luke D. Graham

of conflict in which peacekeeping forces are deployed is changing. The following types of peace operations can be distinguished: Classic peacekeeping operations: take place in an interstate conflict; act as a buffer and/or supervise a truce between two states; and have a mainly military component

in The basics of international law
Stuart Horsman

environmental degradation and the outbreak of violent civil or interstate conflict’.2 This proposition reflects current research suggesting that globally fresh water is the renewable resource most likely to be a source of conflict in the near future.3 Historically water provided a cultural, economic and geographical focus for Central Asia. The khanates’ political culture, including deferential collectivism, was associated with water scarcity and the organisational requirements of the construction and maintenance of irrigation systems.4 Irrigation was ‘one of the principle

in Limiting institutions?
Abstract only
Asia-Pacific security legacies and futures
Anthony Burke
and
Matt McDonald

different set of analyses and priorities than is contained in a conventional collection on regional or national security affairs. Rather than theorizing about deterrence, alliance systems, strategy and counter-insurgency, you will read about emancipation, human security, ‘security politics’, language and threat-construction. And rather than the familiar analyses of interstate conflict, great powers, non

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
Abstract only
Bernadette C. Hayes
and
Ian McAllister

The post-cold war era has witnessed a proliferation of intrastate conflicts based on ethnic differences. Intrastate conflicts, or civil wars, have now replaced interstate conflicts, or international wars, as the most prevalent and deadliest form of violence in the international system today (Wallensteen, 2012 ). Currently, 95 per cent of wars are civil wars, and the large

in Conflict to peace
The relative autonomy of coastal Horn of Africa states in their relations with Gulf countries
Aleksi Ylönen

-scale interstate conflicts or external interventions for regime change have been rare. Although many governments engaged in proxy wars during the Cold War and have supported each other's opposition organisations since then, as in the case of Ethiopia and Eritrea, and Sudan and South Sudan, external interventions by neighbouring states have very often been made in support of the incumbent regimes. Major examples of this include Ethiopia's intervention in Somalia in 2006, Kenya entering Somalia in 2011, and Uganda intervening in South Sudan in 2013. Similarly, international

in The Gulf States and the Horn of Africa
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Representation, recognition and possibilities for transformative change
Constance Duncombe

. Overall, this theoretical framework encourages greater reflexivity regarding how hostilities between two states could potentially evolve into more accommodating interactions. In doing so, this research may be applied to other circumstances of interstate conflict to help develop alternative approaches for rapprochement. Notes 1 Erik Ringmar, Identity, Interest and Action: A Cultural Explanation of Sweden's Intervention

in Representation, recognition and respect in world politics
Abstract only
Chen Kertcher

in interstate conflicts through the deployment of peacekeeping forces as a buffer between the belligerent armed forces. During their deployment, the United Nations forces investigated and reported breaches of ceasefire agreements. The aim of this 2 The UN and peacekeeping, 1988–95 technique was to assist ongoing international mediation efforts in order to resolve the conflict. The principles of success of these operations were to gain the support of international and local actors, to be impartial and under no circumstances to use force. In total, the United

in The United Nations and peacekeeping, 1988–95
Constance Duncombe

. 62 Mary Caprioli and Peter F. Trumbore, ‘Rhetoric versus reality: Rogue states in interstate conflict’, Journal of Conflict Resolution 49 (2005), p. 770. 63 Barry Rubin, ‘US foreign policy and rogue states’, Middle East Review of International Affairs 3 (1999). 64

in Representation, recognition and respect in world politics
China and the problem of Eurocentrism
Julian Gruin

‘sinews of governance’ (Yang 2004) has been downplayed as largely epiphenomenal from a Western politico-economic perspective. Notes 1 A caveat: my intention is not to attempt to enter into the rich and voluminous empirical debate on the nature and causes of state-formation in general. My point of departure within this literature is the prominent fiscal resource mobilization thesis, in which the causes of the great divergence are traced to the unique dynamics of interstate conflict that were present in Western Europe but absent in China (Hoffman 2015; Tilly 1992

in Communists constructing capitalism