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10 Prejudice and (in)tolerance in Ulster Neil Jarman Northern Ireland is a contradictory society in which prejudice and tolerance exist as uneasy neighbours, where some highlight the warmth of the welcomes they have received, but where expressions of intolerance increasingly dominate public and media perceptions of the norms of inter-communal interaction. This chapter will begin to explore and unpack the intersections and dynamics of tolerance and prejudice in a contemporary Northern Ireland that is at once distinctive, in so far as it is a region coming out of
5 ‘Repudiate all forms of intolerance’: how the movements were framed Framing the news, framing disorder This chapter analyses the key framing strategies employed by the PCI’s daily paper l’Unità in relation to the key movements of the second cycle. The period has been divided into three phases: innovation, running roughly from March 1972 to the end of 1973; diffusion, from 1974 to the end of 1976; and engagement, from December 1976 to December 1977. L’Unità makes a good source on the PCI’s framing strategies for three main reasons. The paper at this time was a
8 Academic ‘truth’ and the perpetuation of negative attitudes and intolerance towards Irish Travellers in contemporary Ireland Úna Crowley and Rob Kitchin In 2014, fifty-one years after the publication of the seminal Report of the Commission on Itinerancy, Irish Travellers remain one the most marginalised groups in Irish society. This is despite the fact that vast resources and energy have been introduced into programmes, campaigns and partnerships aimed at improving relations between Travellers and sedentary society. Whether recognised as an ethnic group, as in
, creating intolerance, violence and instability. The impact of technology is also not necessarily benign, allowing easy communication, yes, but creating a megaphone for prejudice, propaganda, targeted character attacks and the erosion of trust. But these changes, while important, will not have the same far-reaching consequences as the change in the distribution of power in the system as a whole. The three options outlined above – renegotiated global norms, sectarian norms and a norm void – are not mutually exclusive, and we might pass through them
This book looks at the theoretical issue of how a democracy can defend itself from those wishing to subvert or destroy it without being required to take measures that would impinge upon the basic principles of the democratic idea. It links social and institutional perspectives to the study, and includes a case study of the Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence, which tests the theoretical framework outlined in the first chapter. There is an extensive diachronic scrutiny of the state's response to extremist political parties, violent organizations and the infrastructure of extremism and intolerance within Israeli society. The book emphasises the dynamics of the response and the factors that encourage or discourage the shift from less democratic and more democratic models of response.
No perception is without memories … ( Henri Bergson ) Intolerance consists of four stories separated historically in time and space. The gaps between the stories are considerable. Each story was shot and organised differently and each refers to established and successful film genres: the Babylon story to
12 Taking intolerant liberalism seriously Bryan Fanning This chapter makes a case for taking intolerance justified by liberalism seriously, especially when embarking on projects that promote liberal ideals of tolerance and progress as a means towards solving social problems. It offers a critical application of the philosophical account of and case for ethnocentric liberalism made by Richard Rorty.1 This foreshadowed the muscular liberalism that came to the fore following the attack on the World Trade Center in 2001 and, independently, the antimulticulturalism
Bethulia, The Mother and the Law and The Birth of a Nation , were seen as opportunities to present stories reflecting the same values, with the same appeal, but on a bigger scale. Smarting under accusations of bigotry, he defended what he regarded as his right to free speech by publishing a counterblast to the film’s detractors in which he accused the ‘powers of intolerance’ of assaulting the new art of the motion picture and
traumatised our nation. We were – and still are – overwhelmed with grief. There is despair all around. Pakistan will never be same without her. Despite her shortcomings, she gave hope and strength to all marginalised sections of society. She believed in the politics of tolerance and lost her life at the hands of forces of intolerance. We live in difficult times. The values of freedom on which the mandate of Amnesty International was built are being undermined in many parts of the world. Governments of democratic systems have justified their flexible approach to human rights on
9 Two wrongs don’t make a right: (in)tolerance and hate crime laws in Northern Ireland Chris Gilligan In this chapter I will defend the right to hold, and express, racist views. Yes, you read that correctly. I will defend the right to hold, and express, racist views. I don’t defend this right because I, personally, want to express racist views. Or because I think that racist views are trivial and challenging them is unimportant. On the contrary, I defend the right because I want to see all forms of racism eradicated. The eradication of racisms requires open