Northern Ireland is regarded as one of the most successful 'post conflict' societies in the world. The reimaging of Belfast as a 'post conflict' city tends to gloss over these persistent divisions. This book provides a thought provoking and comprehensive account of teenagers' perceptions and experiences of the physical and symbolic divisions that exist in 'post conflict' Belfast. Despite Northern Ireland's new status as one of the most successful examples of the resolution of what was once seen as an intractable conflict, the peace walls which separate Protestant and Catholic areas remain in place. The book examines the micro-geographies of young people and draws attention to the social practices, discourses and networks that directly or indirectly (re)shape how they make sense of and negotiate life in Belfast. It focuses is on the physical landscape enclosing interface areas and the impact that it has on the perceptions and actions of young people living in these areas. The book explores how physical divisions are perceived and experienced by young people who live in interface areas and how they view the architecture of division. It pays attention to the impact of place on teenagers' social relations within and between the localities in which they reside. The city centre of Belfast epitomises the city's status as a 'post conflict' city. A recurring argument is that identity does not exist 'out there'. The book shows how social relationships are inherently spatial and how identities are influenced by place and impact on it.
This new introduction reflects on developments in the two decades since the publication of the book in 2000. It describes the profound changes in the international legal sphere, notably the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, intractable conflicts that have weakened the authority of multilateral institutions and the growth of right-wing populism. The chapter questions the overall optimism about the power of international law to improve the lives of women manifest in the book and emphasises the ambivalence of the international legal order for women. The chapter starts by considering the meaning of the term ‘feminist analysis’ and then moves on to review some of the history of feminist engagements with international law, observing that the international sphere has long provided a beacon of hope for women. Its focus is an area that had barely emerged when Boundaries was published: the UN Security Council’s ‘women, peace and security’ (WPS) agenda, which commenced with resolution 1325 adopted in October 2000. This field illustrates a pattern of apparent normative progress, which is undermined by gendered institutional cultures. The most acceptable feminist ideas internationally have been increasing the participation of women and combating violence against women, although these have faced many hurdles. It has been even more difficult to achieve normative and cultural change to support transformative equality for women, or an international legal order where issues of sex and gender and other structural inequalities are given sustained attention and adequate resources for achievement.
foresight and information rationality assumes.18 Rather, decision-makers base their actions on what they have
learned to expect from interacting with others over time.
More recently, dynamic systems theory has been used to explain how seemingly intractableconflicts can become more peaceful.19 This theory stresses that
conflicts exist because of the persistence of an attractor or a mental state among
the group in conflict which resists change. Discrepant information which challenges the existing cognitive evaluation of the ‘other’ is ignored or discounted.
al . 18 which examines the transformation of
intractableconflicts, we can go some way towards understanding the
dynamics of conflict transformation through social and economic
development in a case such as Northern Ireland.
The costs of any conflict are largely social and economic,
with civilians bearing the brunt of the consequences in terms of lives
lost, displacement and loss of possessions
provides a unique opportunity to study theories focused on conflict resolution, negotiation, and settlement of a seemingly
intractableconflict, but because of the time that has passed since the 1998
Agreement, scholars have also focused on theories related to peacebuilding.
One of the unique advantages of studying the Northern Ireland case is that
there is clearly a degree of success in terms of conflict resolution based on the
signing of the Good Friday Agreement. The challenges to implementing this
Agreement and overcoming historic sectarianism provide fertile ground
entrepreneurs, show that a main tool of these actors is the strategy of “shaming”: that is, pointing to a government's behavior that is considered a breach of a moral obligation in order to embarrass its leaders and push for internal and external pressure to change the policy.
The doubting strategy of PPEs, however, aims to create cracks in hegemonic perceptions and beliefs about the conflict and plant seeds for alternative thinking.
According to Bar-Tal, a society in intractableconflicts develops a
a much wider universe of cases in the world, beyond liberal democracies in Western Europe and the Anglosphere. 28 Further, what happens in cases of intractableconflict, rather than neatly defined ‘wars’? While the four Gaza ‘operations’ provide, from a Jewish-Israeli perspective, clear-cut instances of ‘war’, they must be understood within a complex matrix of Occupation violence. 29 The case therefore helps me to problematize both ‘war’ and ‘the secular’, advancing the comparative literature.
That said, there are enough similarities between the two case
John Paul Lederach ( 2005 ), among others, worked and wrote about their work in
deep-rooted and intractableconflicts between Israelis and
Palestinians, Greek and Turkish Cypriots, Spaniard and Basque,
Unionist and Republican in Northern Ireland, Indigenous people and
their central government. They never saw their work as
interest-based mediation or dispute resolution,
Construction of the African Union’s peace and security structures
Kasaija Phillip Apuuli
-independence era by establishing new principles for regional cooperation and integration (Brown, 2012 : 1891). The OAU, the predecessor of the AU, was not successful in ending the numerous intractableconflicts that had afflicted the continent for a long time. Thus the AU’s institutions, powers and objectives were supposed to amount to a fundamental shift away from the constraints imposed on actions under the OAU Charter. The major change under the AU has been a renewed emphasis on building a continental security regime that is capable of managing and resolving African
the Arab Uprisings where violence was used to crush protest movements, seemingly
whatever the cost.
The fragmentation of sovereign borders and retreat into communal identities
collapsed domestic and regional politics into new spaces of the political that placed
regime survival above human security, albeit not curtailed by territorial borders.
Following regime responses to the uprisings, intractableconflicts have emerged,
becoming all-encompassing, dividing societies and communities along political lines.
Socio-economic contexts add additional