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A theory of distributive justice for the European Union
Author: João Labareda

This highly original book constitutes one of the first attempts to examine the problem of distributive justice in the EU in a systematic manner. The author starts by arguing that the set of shared political institutions at EU level, including the European Parliament and the Court of Justice of the EU, generate democratic duties of redistribution amongst EU citizens. Furthermore, he claims that the economic structure of the EU, comprising a common market, a common currency, and a free-movement area, triggers duties of reciprocity amongst member states. He contends that the responsibilities to fulfil these duties should be shared by three levels of government – local, national, and supranational. More specifically, he argues that the EU should act as a safety net to the national welfare systems, applying the principle of subsidiarity. In turn, the common market and the Eurozone should balance efficiency targets with distributive concerns. Concrete policy proposals presented in this book include a threshold of basic goods for all EU citizens, an EU Labour Code, a minimum EU corporate tax rate, and an EU Fund for Global Competitiveness. These proposals are thoroughly examined from the standpoint of feasibility. The author argues that his proposals fit in the political culture of the member states, are economically feasible, can be translated into functioning institutions and policies, and are consistent with the limited degree of social solidarity in Europe. This book is a major contribution to the understanding of how a just Europe would look and what it takes to get us there.

Space, identity and power

This volume aims to disclose the political, social and cultural factors that influenced the sanitary measures against epidemics developed in the Mediterranean during the long nineteenth century. The contributions to the book provide new interdisciplinary insights to the booming field of ‘quarantine studies’ through a systematic use of the analytic categories of space, identity and power. The ultimate goal is to show the multidimensional nature of quarantine, the intimate links that sanitary administrations and institutions had with the territorial organization of states, international trade, the construction of national, colonial, religious and professional identities or the configuration of political regimes. The circum-Mediterranean geographical spread of the case studies contained in this volume illuminates the similarities and differences around and across this sea, on the southern and northern shores, in Arabic, Spanish, Portuguese, Greek, Italian, English and French-speaking domains. At the same time, it is highly interested in engaging in the global English-speaking community, offering a wide range of terms, sources, bibliography, interpretative tools and views produced and elaborated in various Mediterranean countries. The historical approach will be useful to recognize the secular tensions that still lie behind present-day issues such as the return of epidemics or the global flows of migrants and refugees.

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Reappraising nineteenth-century stained glass
Jasmine Allen

184 Conclusion: reappraising nineteenth-​century stained glass [I]‌t is no sin in modern work that it belongs to its day –​it is its virtue. – Lewis Foreman. Day, 19091 As the first study to consider the importance of stained glass in a global, not just European, context, this book has highlighted and re-​evaluated the importance of decorative arts (such as stained glass) in the formulation and visualisation of nineteenth-​century culture on both a national and international scale. Globalisation, imperialism, and industrialism –​themes that permeated the

in Windows for the world
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Paul Arthur

, ‘which strengthens American diplomacy through attraction rather than coercion’.14 In striving for democratic globalisation the Bush administration seem to have forgotten many of these lessons – a fact which emanates from most of the European contributions to this book. But not just Europeans: it was Senator John Kerry who warned that above all ‘we must remember that democratization is not a crusade’. The anti-apartheid warrior, Kader Asmal – and we need to acknowledge that South Africa’s role in the Irish peace process has not been fully recognised – offers a very

in Peacemaking in the twenty-first century
Douglas A. Lorimer

and missionaries, but in many cases to the influx of peoples from afar. The empire was a great engine for transforming the distribution of the world’s peoples and creating new multi-racial communities. These migrants were not just European settlers but indentured and other labourers transported in great numbers and at great distances. In Part III, Chapter 5 examines the

in Science, race relations and resistance
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From colonisation to globalisation
Giordano Nanni

time; what they thought of their clocks, calendars, rituals and routines. Was it just Europeans who viewed the time of the ‘other’ as irrational and impractical? Or were such emotions reciprocated from the other side of the looking-glass? The following poem – transcribed in the Northern Territory some time during the 1950s – certainly suggests that at least some Aboriginal peoples had come to regard

in The colonisation of time
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Ruth Barton

-first century. By then, the Celtic Tiger was already the defining influence on Irish life. The period of the Celtic Tiger is usually taken to describe the years from the mid-1990s to 2008, during which there was an unprecedented accumulation of wealth in a country otherwise associated with extremes of poverty and depopulation. In fact, by 2001, the real growth was over and a property bubble followed, which burst with the global economic collapse of 2008. During the Celtic Tiger years, the Irish economy was the marvel of not just Europe but much of the rest of the world. As

in Irish cinema in the twenty-first century
Hajj, cholera and Spanish–Moroccan regeneration, 1890–99
Francisco Javier Martínez

rulers whose modernisation plans could be equally hindered by either religious radicalism or incontrollable disease. Pilgrims were therefore suspected of importing 68 Space ideas capable of triggering revolts not just against European imperialism, but also against the reforms promoted by those rulers (sultans, beys or khedives) and against their traditional religious authority. It was also believed that the disease they carried in their bodies would threaten not just Europe’s strong containment efforts, but also the more fragile measures promoted by Islamic

in Mediterranean Quarantines, 1750–1914
Stanley R. Sloan

Europe, would be forced to calculate that the West might respond by striking Soviet territory with the new systems. And, in using the systems, the West would know that the Soviet Union might respond by striking American, not just European, targets. Therefore, both sides would be aware that hostilities initiated in Europe might escalate rapidly to a strategic exchange. This logic was no foolproof guarantee of extended deterrence. The American president could, in theory, decide not to use the new systems in case of a Soviet attack and could even choose to “lose” them

in Defense of the West (second edition)
Catherine Baker

global not just European context. Bjelić's work on First World War colonial soldiers, often used in roles with even higher death-rates than white European troops', leads him to argue that a ‘racial genealogy’ of the Great War ought to replace the ‘national paradigm’ in European First World War histories that has erased the ‘constitutive violence’ of bringing almost a million black and Asian colonial soldiers to fight on European fronts (Bjelić 2014 ); this involved not just the Western Front but others, including the Salonika Front, where French African divisions

in Race and the Yugoslav region