Migration to and from Ireland is often the subject of definitive claims. During the 1980s, migration from Ireland was most commonly described as a brain drain. Despite the constant flows and counterflows, academic studies tend to focus on just one direction of movement, reflecting dominant concerns at particular points in time. The 1950s and the 1980s are characterized as decades of emigration, the Celtic Tiger era as a period of immigration, and the current recession is manifest as a return to mass emigration. This book addresses the three key themes from a variety of spatial, temporal and theoretical perspectives. The theme of networks is addressed. Transnational loyalist networks acted both to facilitate the speaking tours of loyalist speakers and to re-translate the political meanings and messages being communicated by the speakers. The Irish Catholic Church and specifically its re-working of its traditional pastoral, lobbying and development role within Irish emigrant communities, is discussed. By highlighting three key areas such as motives, institutions and strategies, and support infrastructures, the book suggests that the Irish experience offers a nuanced understanding of the different forms of networks that exist between a state and its diaspora, and shows the importance of working to support the self-organization of the diaspora. Perceptions of belonging both pre- and postmigration encouraged ethnographic research in six Direct Provision asylum accommodation centres across Ireland. Finally, the book provides insights into the intersections between 'migrancy' and other social categories including gender, nationality and class/position in the labour hierarchy.
, and negotiating between
more than one culture and identity.
The final set of chapters provides insights into the intersections between
‘migrancy’ and other social categories including gender, nationality and
class/position in the labourhierarchy. For Deirdre Conlon the ‘countertopographies’ of the experiences of different migrant women in Ireland speak to
the intersections of their gendered experiences (as women, as mothers, as
workers in insecure positions in the workplace) with their migrant status. The
connections and common experiences of these women, despite
disarray and his six hundred slaves on the verge of rebellion. According to his
account of his experience, he spent his time, and definitely extremely nervously,
attempting to re-establish his paternalistic sovereignty over his bondsmen and
women. Like so many other colonial reformers, he cast the project of reinforcing labourhierarchies as an effort in ‘conciliation’ between himself and his
workforce. He developed management techniques that were designed to restore
productive order by eliciting the appropriately subordinating sentiments of his
The political history of two principal trends in British Trotskyism, 1945–2009
Socialist Review Group/International Socialists (SRG/IS) and forerunners
of the ‘official’ Fourth International franchise, the International Marxist
Group (IMG).7 Nevertheless, in 1964, Militant was launched from an
organisational base of around 40 members.8
Another fortuitous development came in 1969 with the setting up of
Labour Party Young Socialists. Previously the Labourhierarchy had
expelled the SLL over the control of its youth section.9 Their retreat from
entrism in late 1964 in conjunction with similar turns made by their IS
rivals presented Militant (as the RSL
/unproductive/reproductive labourhierarchy suggested by The Wealth of Nations, Smith, I suggest, looked
back to the Lockean paradigm of labour as self-ownership. As a femme
couverte, the wife of a debtor and mother to children defrauded of their
inheritance, Smith found in the labour theory of value, I suggest, a means
to self-possession through authorship that eluded her in life.
If Smith’s engagement with questions surrounding female labour
and value tells a very personal story, then in Wollstonecraft’s case the
question of women’s work is very much a public concern, the negotiation
and the State (London, 2005) pp. 6–26;
Linehan, British Fascism p. 44; Renton, D. Fascism, Anti-Fascism p. 12.
Cited in Workers’ Dreadnought (18/6/21), p. 3.
Ibid. (9/9/22), p. 4.
Cited in Behan, Resistible Rise p. 50.
The Daily Herald (4/11/22), actually carried an advertisement for the march, though,
as a commercial paper, advertising was prominent and the decision to accept it was
unlikely to have been sanctioned by the Labourhierarchy.The WSF’s blanket condemnation is in Workers’ Dreadnought (11/11/22), p. 1.
The early 1920s saw the formation of several more
Conservatives alone may have contributed to complacency amongst the
Labourhierarchy. However, academic research by Robert Ford and Matthew
Goodwin had highlighted how UKIP could prove to be attractive to
traditional Labour supporters who were elderly and white working class
(Ford and Goodwin, 2014a ). The assumption that
UKIP was a party whose primary attraction was its hostility to the EU
was too simplistic
their power depended on keeping the Arab masses in a state of
backwardness. Referring to the armed clashes of 1920–1921 between Arabs and
Jews in Jaffa and Jerusalem, he asserted that the Arabs had no right to ‘prohibit
the approach of other land and work seeking people to soil which is lying idle’.21
These were to become familiar themes in Labour Zionist propaganda that Poale
Zion propagated in Britain. The party members were active in a few constituency
Labour parties but the focus of their activity was to establish friendly relations
with the Labourhierarchy. At
and Globalisation ; M. Harper and S. Constantine,
Migration and Empire , Companion Series, Oxford History
of the British Empire (Oxford, 2010). For labour markets,
labourhierarchies and trade unions, see J. Hyslop, ‘The
Imperial Working Class Makes Itself “White”: White
Labourism in Britain, Australia and South Africa before the First
World War’, Journal of
such, ‘The History of a Gentoo Slave’ can profitably be
read as an attempt to recuperate authorship in fiction through a reworking
of the division of labour not unlike that attempted in Claims of Literature.
Like Williams’s manifesto, Instructive Rambles Extended establishes
writing as an analogue for labour in order to argue for the transformative
and socially useful role of literature, before subordinating mechanical
to intellectual work within the strict labourhierarchy the text constructs
in order to assert authorship’s primacy as a morally useful, politically