Migration to and from Ireland is often the subject of definitive claims. During the 1980s, migration from Ireland was most commonly described as a brain drain. Despite the constant flows and counterflows, academic studies tend to focus on just one direction of movement, reflecting dominant concerns at particular points in time. The 1950s and the 1980s are characterized as decades of emigration, the Celtic Tiger era as a period of immigration, and the current recession is manifest as a return to mass emigration. This book addresses the three key themes from a variety of spatial, temporal and theoretical perspectives. The theme of networks is addressed. Transnational loyalist networks acted both to facilitate the speaking tours of loyalist speakers and to re-translate the political meanings and messages being communicated by the speakers. The Irish Catholic Church and specifically its re-working of its traditional pastoral, lobbying and development role within Irish emigrant communities, is discussed. By highlighting three key areas such as motives, institutions and strategies, and support infrastructures, the book suggests that the Irish experience offers a nuanced understanding of the different forms of networks that exist between a state and its diaspora, and shows the importance of working to support the self-organization of the diaspora. Perceptions of belonging both pre- and postmigration encouraged ethnographic research in six Direct Provision asylum accommodation centres across Ireland. Finally, the book provides insights into the intersections between 'migrancy' and other social categories including gender, nationality and class/position in the labour hierarchy.
, and negotiating between
more than one culture and identity.
The final set of chapters provides insights into the intersections between
‘migrancy’ and other social categories including gender, nationality and
class/position in the labourhierarchy. For Deirdre Conlon the ‘countertopographies’ of the experiences of different migrant women in Ireland speak to
the intersections of their gendered experiences (as women, as mothers, as
workers in insecure positions in the workplace) with their migrant status. The
connections and common experiences of these women, despite
English radicalism has been a deep-rooted but minority tradition in the political culture since at least the seventeenth century. The central aim of this book is to examine, in historical and political context, a range of key events and individuals that exemplify English radicalism in the twentieth century. This analysis is preceded by defining precisely what has constituted this tradition; and by the main outline of the development of the tradition from the Civil War to the end of the nineteenth century. Three of the main currents of English radicalism in the twentieth century have been the labour movement, the women’s movement and the peace movement. These are discussed in some detail, as a framework for the detailed consideration of ten key representative figures of the tradition in the twentieth century: Bertrand Russell, Sylvia Pankhurst, Ellen Wilkinson, George Orwell, E.P. Thompson, Michael Foot, Joan Maynard, Stuart Hall, Tony Benn and Nicolas Walter. The question of ‘agency’ – of how to bring about radical change in a predominantly conservative society and culture – has been a fundamental issue for English radicals. It is argued that, in the twentieth century, many of the important achievements in progressive politics have taken place in and through extra-parliamentary movements, as well as through formal political parties and organisations – the Labour Party and other socialist organisations – and on occasion, through libertarian and anarchist politics. The final chapter considers the continuing relevance of this political tradition in the early twenty-first century, and reviews its challenges and prospects.
disarray and his six hundred slaves on the verge of rebellion. According to his
account of his experience, he spent his time, and definitely extremely nervously,
attempting to re-establish his paternalistic sovereignty over his bondsmen and
women. Like so many other colonial reformers, he cast the project of reinforcing labourhierarchies as an effort in ‘conciliation’ between himself and his
workforce. He developed management techniques that were designed to restore
productive order by eliciting the appropriately subordinating sentiments of his
The political history of two principal trends in British Trotskyism, 1945–2009
Socialist Review Group/International Socialists (SRG/IS) and forerunners
of the ‘official’ Fourth International franchise, the International Marxist
Group (IMG).7 Nevertheless, in 1964, Militant was launched from an
organisational base of around 40 members.8
Another fortuitous development came in 1969 with the setting up of
Labour Party Young Socialists. Previously the Labourhierarchy had
expelled the SLL over the control of its youth section.9 Their retreat from
entrism in late 1964 in conjunction with similar turns made by their IS
rivals presented Militant (as the RSL
/unproductive/reproductive labourhierarchy suggested by The Wealth of Nations, Smith, I suggest, looked
back to the Lockean paradigm of labour as self-ownership. As a femme
couverte, the wife of a debtor and mother to children defrauded of their
inheritance, Smith found in the labour theory of value, I suggest, a means
to self-possession through authorship that eluded her in life.
If Smith’s engagement with questions surrounding female labour
and value tells a very personal story, then in Wollstonecraft’s case the
question of women’s work is very much a public concern, the negotiation
and the State (London, 2005) pp. 6–26;
Linehan, British Fascism p. 44; Renton, D. Fascism, Anti-Fascism p. 12.
Cited in Workers’ Dreadnought (18/6/21), p. 3.
Ibid. (9/9/22), p. 4.
Cited in Behan, Resistible Rise p. 50.
The Daily Herald (4/11/22), actually carried an advertisement for the march, though,
as a commercial paper, advertising was prominent and the decision to accept it was
unlikely to have been sanctioned by the Labourhierarchy.The WSF’s blanket condemnation is in Workers’ Dreadnought (11/11/22), p. 1.
The early 1920s saw the formation of several more
: that Bevan was a senior and powerful figure in the
Labourhierarchy, whilst Foot was, in 1945, a new, junior MP. Secondly, despite
his erudition and easy relationship with intellectuals and powerful figures, Bevan
remained true to his working-class roots and the community from which he came.
Like many middle-class, left-wing socialists, Foot was somewhat in awe of this
genuine proletarianism, which appealed to his romantic, idealistic view of the
Bevan was the defining political figure in Foot’s life. He was more than Bevan’s
‘comrade. He would be his Boswell
writes of racial capitalism that it is
a mode of production developed in agriculture, improved by
enclosure in the Old World, and captive land and labor in the
Americas, perfected in slavery’s time motion field-factory choreography …14
stories from a migrant city
The anthropologist Seth Holmes adds the category of citizenship,
writing of an ‘ethnicity-citizenship labourhierarchy’ in the organisation of US agricultural labour and referring to his own ethnographic
work in Californian berry farming and other studies carried out in
the 1980s and 1990
Conservatives alone may have contributed to complacency amongst the
Labourhierarchy. However, academic research by Robert Ford and Matthew
Goodwin had highlighted how UKIP could prove to be attractive to
traditional Labour supporters who were elderly and white working class
(Ford and Goodwin, 2014a ). The assumption that
UKIP was a party whose primary attraction was its hostility to the EU
was too simplistic