The 1948 war that led to the creation of the State of Israel also resulted in the destruction of Palestinian society, when some 80 per cent of the Palestinians who lived in the major part of Palestine upon which Israel was established became refugees. Israelis call the 1948 war their ‘War of Independence’ and the Palestinians their ‘Nakba’, or catastrophe. After many years of Nakba denial, land appropriation, political discrimination against the Palestinians within Israel and the denial of rights to Palestinian refugees, in recent years the Nakba is beginning to penetrate Israeli public discourse. This book explores the construction of collective memory in Israeli society, where the memory of the trauma of the Holocaust and of Israel's war dead competes with the memory claims of the dispossessed Palestinians. Taking an auto-ethnographic approach, it makes a contribution to social memory studies through a critical evaluation of the co-memoration of the Palestinian Nakba by Israeli Jews. Against a background of the Israeli resistance movement, the book's central argument is that co-memorating the Nakba by Israeli Jews is motivated by an unresolved melancholia about the disappearance of Palestine and the dispossession of the Palestinians, a melancholia which shifts mourning from the lost object to the grieving subject. The book theorises Nakba co-memory as a politics of resistance, counterpoising co-memorative practices by internally displaced Israeli Palestinians with Israeli Jewish discourses of the Palestinian right of return, and questions whether return narratives by Israeli Jews are ultimately about Israeli Jewish self-healing.
wouldn’t retire, that they’d get bored and travel to other parts of the country.
Frighten them so that they’d leave.
The overall goal of the paramilitaries, to reign over the territory, was in part
achieved specifically through landappropriation. Since many peasants did not
possess land titles and were not protected by the state, Urabá was highly susceptible to paramilitary expansion (García de la Torre and Aramburo Siegert 2011).
Alongside greater landappropriation, the arrival of the paramilitaries marked the
time when ‘threats and assassinations of UP leaders
entrepreneurialism and devolution (Barron, 2017). Exploring each process provides
rationale for the re-emergence of political action from ‘localised’ UG spaces
Privatisation has led to cuts in spending on public services, with efficiency
and profit the dominant force. Where this has occurred the State is subject to
increased accountability. This has been evident in the State’s re-evaluation of
landappropriation, how and what should urban land be used for? Through devolution the power for these decisions has been regionalised. Many urban regions
St Anne took charge of community schools. 32 As mayor of Montreal in 1885 and
Honoré Beaugrand may have been aware of these controversies or
others involving landappropriation, yet the Iroquois he depicts in his
text are not nineteenth-century community leaders fighting to keep the
government from clear-cutting their land or forcing dogmatic and
repressive education on their children
attempt to appease or evade extraction.
This chapter is structured in four sections around the topics just mentioned.
It first addresses these critiques as a way of analysing how the framework applies
to survival. The following three sections then offer examples that illustrate different aspects of peacebuilding and resistance practices, starting with tax
evasion and practices against elite landappropriation.9 Then follows a section
illustrating the mitigation of the authoritarian nature of military rule through
negotiation. This has to do with the military
National grandeur, territorial conquests and colonial embellishment, 1852–70
respected while at the same time French military
control was established and European immigration was supported. 38 Despite the
Emperor’s Arabophile policy, his imperial reforms, intended to
maintain Algerian property rights, actually facilitated landappropriation by colonists, and the area of land in European hands
increased sixfold between 1850 and 1870. 39 This change caused increasing tension between
in opposition to neoliberalism. Whether it is trade unions
within a global network seeking to raise employment
standards within a particular commodity chain, or peasant
movements exchanging tactics in battles against landappropriation, the key element is a forging of a wider spatial
consciousness. But, whilst there has been a spatial extension
of solidarity, we have also shown that GJNs are fraught with
tensions. We have shown that particular places and movements become empowered whilst others remain marginal
within the operations of GJNs. A range of
particular context. After 500 years of European imperial expansion, the foundation of new states based on unfree labour regimes, landappropriation and the accompanying establishment of ideas that ‘race’ is a natural part of the social world that explains existing social hierarchies, the exercise of the state’s powers cannot fail to be racialised (based on the idea that white Europeans are more valuable than others). A similar logic, he suggests, is used within the nation to pathologise class and gender differences, and in reference to relations between colonising and
rioting. The outburst had grown
out of local concern over landappropriation for the construction of an
airport and was triggered in the short term by opposition to compulsory
cattle inoculation. 67 A small police detachment, led by Akker and
principally formed by members of the ceremonial band, opened fire on
rioters without the usual procedure, as outlined above, killing several.
helped by the fact that the Northern Territory became a fertile source
of artefacts. It should, however, be remembered that such collecting took place
at a time of widespread landappropriation, Aboriginal resistance, and
white reprisals – much as had happened in South Australia itself.
Veils are invariably drawn over the methods of collecting, though
normally it seems to have been a matter of ‘trade’, probably