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Bess of Hardwick was one of the most extraordinary figures of Elizabethan England. She was born the daughter of a country squire. By the end of her long life (which a recent redating of her birth suggests was even longer than previously thought) she was the richest woman in England outside the royal family, had risen to the rank of countess and seen two of her daughters do the same, and had built one of the major ‘prodigy houses’ of the period. While married to her fourth husband, the earl of Shrewsbury, she had been gaoler to Mary, Queen of Scots, and her granddaughter by her second marriage, Lady Arbella Stuart, was of royal blood and might have been succeeded to the throne of England. This wide-ranging collection, which draws on the recent edition of her correspondence, brings out the full range of her activities and impact. It contains a biography, analysis of her language use, consideration of the roles of her servants and the management and nature of her households (including the complex and allegorical decorative scheme of Hardwick and its famous embroideries), and a new appraisal of the relationship between Bess and her granddaughter Arbella.
challenge Clark’s notion that early modern witchcraft theorists were incapable of imagining that witches could be male, on the grounds that language choices are not accidental and that early modern authors must have meant to use both masculine and feminine terms. If they were capable of representing witches as male, it follows that they were also capable of conceptualising male witches – otherwise,their language would make no
Pale in the Renaissance, Eva Griffith offers a lively examination of the process behind establishing the Werburgh Street playhouse and its connection to James Shirley.15 In the same collection, Herron describes the allegorical value of Richard Stanihurst’s partial translation of Virgil’s Aeneid, which becomes a ‘window into the cultural struggles surrounding its author’.16 Brendan Kane discusses the political implications of language choice in early modern Ireland, as he establishes that the Irish language was of greater influence in Jacobean Ireland than is
and national identity during the long nineteenth century. Sometimes this impulse expressed itself in efforts to find ethno-national roots in biblical patrilineages. On other occasions it was bound up with the consequences of the language choices that Bible translators made in different settings. In yet other situations the rereading of narratives like the Exodus could serve as a site of resistance and stimulate subversive and liberationist senses of group identity. In all of these, the Bible acted as a resource on which readers could draw to understand themselves
systems and the best way to bring them crashing down. Such a diffuse critique is visible in the language choices of the attackers; for example, imprisoned members of the CCF (CCF-FAI/IRF Imprisoned Members Cell 2013) who describe their efforts as “new sabotages against the authority of the social apparatus.”5 Furthermore, Foucault himself wrote of coercive power in a manner that is often repeated by modern insurrectionary actors. For instance, he explains the concept of “domination,” describing it as “power relations [that] are fixed in such a way that they are
Dialectic of Enlightenment (1944), had linked so provocatively to the world of the concentration camps. But the corpse's conspicuous language choices – ‘execute’, ‘shower’, ‘unsafe’, ‘violent and painful death’ – allow that dark history to force its way into the narrative with troubling implications for its author. That is to say that this story, and indeed so much of Carrington's writing and art, is haunted by an obscure and critically obscured personal history: her father was a principal shareholder in Imperial Chemicals (ICI), which was part of an international
the Swahili slogan that appeared on the new national coat of arms, ‘Uhuru na umoja’ (‘Freedom and unity’). 30 In the end, however, another inscription was suggested, which simply read ‘Rais wa kwanza’ (‘First president’) without naming Nyerere at all. 31 The language choice of the coin inscription links to Nyerere’s promotion of
identify the cause of European Jews and the proletariat with that of Black Americans, and felt an immediate love for Russia, where his excellent knowledge of the language added to his popularity’. 58 Language choices in performance or song affected the reception of both of these Black American artists, as we have seen. At times both Aldridge and Robeson were subject to severe travel restrictions when their statements, performances, and very presence appeared to threaten the authoritarian impulses of the various empires or
political architecture. After lengthy negotiations and anxious ratification processes this eventually bore fruition with the inauguration of the EU on 1 November 1993. Irish–German relations, 1990–2016 If there ever was a ‘special relationship’39 between Ireland and Germany, then the early and mid-1990s was its apogee. German was a popular language choice 235 Epilogue 235 for students in second and third-level education,40 as Irish families, encouraged by government, perceived European, especially German, language acquisition as a means of promoting trade to
linguistic belonging. However, translanguaging is not simply the theorisation Reading for hemispheric citizenship 167 of a ‘hybrid’ space of multilingualism. As Ofelia Garcia and Li Wei put it, ‘Translanguaging goes beyond hybridity theory that recognizes the complexity of people’s everyday spaces and multiple resources to make sense of the world’.51 By reading citizenship as it plays out through the interplay of language choice, readers are offered a way of ‘capturing the expanded complex practices of speakers who could not avoid having had languages inscribed in their