The operation of the British model of imperialism was never consistent, seldom coherent, and far from comprehensive. Purity campaigns, controversies about the age of consent, the regulation of prostitution and passage and repeal of contagious diseases laws, as well as a new legislative awareness of homosexuality, were all part of the sexual currency of the late Victorian age. Colonial governments, institutions and companies recognised that in many ways the effective operation of the Empire depended upon sexual arrangements. They devised elaborate systems of sexual governance, but also devoted disproportionate energy to marking and policing the sexual margins. This book not only investigates controversies surrounding prostitution, homosexuality and the age of consent in the British Empire, but also revolutionises people's notions about the importance of sex as a nexus of imperial power relations. The derivative hypothesis, which reads colonial sexuality politics as something England did or gave to its colonies, is illustrated and made explicit by the Indian Spectator, which seemed simply to accept that India should follow English precedent. In 1885, the South Australian parliament passed legislation, similar to England's Criminal Law Amendment Act, which raised the age of consent from 13 to 16 and introduced a series of restrictions and regulations on sexual conduct. Richard Francis Burton's case against the moral universalism and sex between men are discussed. 'Cognitively mapping' sexuality politics, the book has traced connections between people, places and politics, exploring both their dangers and opportunities, which revolve in each case around embroilments in global power.
Sherlock Holmes has had such enduring appeal
because he embodied the strengths, the complexities and the contradictions of the
late-Victorianage. For he is not one man but at least three men in one, three
different archetypes of masculinity, each vying for dominance, and each capable of
being emphasized in performance.
First and most obviously, he is a rational man, the epitome of the
Victorian era of scientific discovery and invention, of
-friendly – leaderships. In many ways, the referendum was a genial solution to an intractable problem.
This was also true in the United Kingdom. From the earliest debates in the lateVictorianage until the referendum on Brexit, tactical considerations were the key motivator. The story of the 1975 referendum on membership of the EEC is a case in point. This referendum was held not out of concern for due democratic process but because of tactical considerations within the Labour Party. On the face of it this was not a great advertisement for the referendum as a mechanism.
the lateVictorianage of empire and industry. One might consider, too, that
Poppy Z. Brite’s self-conscious adoption of Gothic tropes in her
long and short fiction is a form of performance that parallels her own
selfconfessed status as a sexual polygamist and onstage exhibitionist. 5 Brite’s
fiction consistently focuses its gaze upon outsiders and social misfits
who, if they find it at all, gain
dissenting Young Conservatives, anti-Market Britishness was coloured by those born to the lateVictorianage. Nowhere was
this more evident than in the Commonwealth question. As one Express
reader complained to Beaverbrook, ‘I cannot help feeling that your views
have become an old man’s vendetta, an idée fixé, that you cannot grow
old gracefully and admit that you are wrong’.40
The strengths and limits of the patriotic case were also evident in
the structure of anti-Market ranks. On the one hand, a genuine ‘nation
before party’ spirit brought a measure of harmony to
, careful consideration went into finding the right wording to the question. They settled for
‘DO YOU THINK THAT THE UNITED KINGDOM SHOULD STAY IN THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY (THE COMMON MARKET)?’ (quoted in Butler and Kitzinger 1976 : 61).
It is often believed that referendums, almost by default, result in a No vote. When the device was first debated in the lateVictorianAge, this was one of the concerns raised. Henry Sumner Maine, a distinguished legal scholar, warned:
It is possible, by agitation and exhortation, to produce in the mind of the average
course of British history; something imposed on the British
people as a transient lateVictorian ‘age of
empire’, rather than created by them over two hundred
years from the late eighteenth century . . . to the 1950s . . .
[The] involvement in empire by wide sections of the British
people inevitably took less exotic and less easily
, but he came to India
with a very different mindset. Curzon had formulated his aspiration to
be Viceroy at a young age and had long taken an interest in India,
meaning that his conception of the position had been formed in the lateVictorianage of high imperialism. In contrast, Minto’s
appointment as Viceroy had come as a surprise only eight months after
his return from serving as Governor-General of
course, about the eponymous character she had helped make famous. Thus, if her children's book was not prepping her readership to appreciate the high art of the ‘Millais, Leightons and Tademas’ (Untitled 1883 ), then it may have been prepping them for something else, namely the low art typified by the comedy sensation of the lateVictorianage. And for that, no doubt, they thanked her.
The book consisted of 43
imposed on the British people as a transient lateVictorian “age of Empire”’. 3 But despite the impressive range
of this body of work, it is a field that has been largely confined to
Victorian and Edwardian Britain, with occasional concessions to the
inter-war years. As far as the post-1945 era is concerned, the rigid
conceptual barriers between metropole and periphery are still very much