Although the reputation of Englands first queen regnant, Mary Tudor (died 1558)
had remained substantially unchanged in the intervening centuries, there were
always some defenders of that Catholic queen among the historians of Victorian
England. It is worth noting, however, that such revisionism made little if any
impact on the schoolroom history textbooks, where Marys reputation remained much
as John Foxe had defined it. Such anxiety as there was about attempts to restore
something of Marys reputation were made more problematic by the increasing
number and increasingly visible presence of a comprehensive Catholic hierarchy
in the nineteenth century, and by high-profile converts to the Catholic faith
and papal authority. The pre-eminent historians of the later Victorian era
consistently remained more favourable to the reign of Elizabeth, seen as the
destroyer,of an effective Catholic church in England.
This book analyses the development of male leisure against the changing notions of citizenship which underpinned perceptions of British society during the period 1850-1945. It opens with an examination of the 'leisure' problem of the middle decades of the nineteenth century. After the defeat of Chartism and associated challenges to the employers' right to organise the workplace, factory owners, the clergy and philanthropists established schemes of rational recreation designed to attract and educate working-class males. The book explores how schemes of rational recreation attempted to create the model citizen and the impact of these strategies on male working-class leisure. Taking three influential leisure activities - drink, the music hall and association football - the book explores their impact on both concepts of citizenship and male leisure patterns. In addition, commercial leisure also highlighted the marked gender divides in leisure activities found within working-class households. The book investigates the generational issues that shaped male working-class leisure. The increase in non-apprenticed semi-skilled work, particularly in the 'new' industry regions, raised fears that monotonous working practices and new leisure activities were a dangerous social cocktail. Moreover the book investigates how, during the late Victorian and early Edwardian era, the problem of a 'degenerate' youth became entwined with anxieties over the future of empire. It further contextualises male leisure against the dominant concerns between 1918 and 1945. This era saw the suburbanisation of British cities, continued anxieties over male citizenry and increased international tensions that led to war.
Duncan Tanner and the art of the possible: understanding politics and governance in modern British history
Duncan Tanner’s work was overwhelmingly focused on the political process and on politics in government. He reached back into the late Victorian era, and forward to the very recent past. He was interested in organisations, parties and systems, but also in the people who worked in organisations and parties, and who were affected by (especially electoral) systems. He was a truly British historian, in that he engaged not only with politics at the highest (Westminster and Whitehall) levels, but also with operations on the ground in constituencies across the breadth of mainland Britain. He wanted to find out about MPs, agents, party loyalists, and also about voters in general. And in his approach to the politics of the past Duncan was, essentially, a pragmatist. Rather than condemn historical figures for failing to match up to an often ahistorical standard of ideological purity, he preferred to comprehend the varied pressures under which they operated, and how the decisions they made usually represented a rational (if not always correct) response to the need to reconcile policy ambitions and political realities. This chapter introduces Duncan Tanner’s approach to the politics and governance of modern Britain.
Reconstructing modernity assesses the character of approaches to rebuilding British cities during the decades after the Second World War. It explores the strategies of spatial governance that sought to restructure society and looks at the cast of characters who shaped these processes. It challenges traditional views of urban modernism as moderate and humanist, shedding new light on the importance of the immediate post-war for the trajectory of urban renewal in the twentieth century. The book shows how local corporations and town planners in Manchester and Hull attempted to create order and functionality through the remaking of their decrepit Victorian cities. It looks at the motivations of national and local governments in the post-war rebuilding process and explores why and how they attempted the schemes they did. What emerges is a picture of local corporations, planners and city engineers as radical reshapers of the urban environment, not through the production of grand examples of architectural modernism, but in mundane attempts to zone cities, produce greener housing estates, control advertising or regulate air quality. Their ambition to control and shape the space of their cities was an attempt to produce urban environments that might be both more orderly and functional, but also held the potential to shape society.
case studies to demonstrate the working-class radical influence on the party in its rise to power. It has shown that there were substantial continuities between the working-class radical politics of the mid- to lateVictorianera and the ‘official’ Labour politics of the early twentieth century. During the 1880s and 1890s, working-class radicals established local labour parties that would later evolve into local cells of a national party. These activists added new demands to their political programmes and adopted a more insistent strategy for achieving working
6 Roy MacLeod, ‘Introduction’, in MacLeod (ed.), Government and expertise: specialists,
administrators and professionals, 1860 –1919 (Cambridge, 1988), 1–26, esp. 11;
R. Angus Buchanan, ‘Engineers and government in nineteenth-century Britain’, in
Roy MacLeod (ed.), Government and expertise: specialists, administrators and professionals, 1860 –1919 (Cambridge, 1988), 41–58.
7 Martin Daunton & Bernhard Rieger, ‘Introduction’, in Daunton & Rieger (eds.),
Meanings of modernity: Britain from the late-Victorianera to World War II (Oxford,
2001), 1–21, esp
Indigenous histories, settler colonies and Queen Victoria
Maria Nugent and Sarah Carter
: Indians, Empires, and Republics in The Great
Lakes Region, 1650–1815 (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1991 ).
For an insightful discussion of this
in the Australian context during the lateVictorianera and up to
the end of the First World War, see: Jessica Horton,
insights into how Lancashire and its cotton workers came to perceive
and respond to a conflict that quickly challenged all conventional
views and expectations of international warfare.
The Cotton Factory Times, which was owned by the Andrews family,
who were also the proprietors of the Ashton Reporter, was facing a
decline in sales in 1914 despite the recent growth of both the cotton
industry and the trade unions. This decline suggests that the formula
John Andrews had devised for the paper in the lateVictorianera, a
formula that led Beatrice Webb to regard
and Change, 6:1–2 (1980), 43–48.
For a discussion of this theme in a comparative European context see the editors’
introduction in Martin Daunton and Bernhard Rieger, Meanings of Modernity:
Britain from the Late-VictorianEra to World War II (Oxford, 2001), 1–21.
M2661 - MCCARTHY TEXT.indd 14
and custom, as one recent historian would have it, but to act as an antidote
to insobriety.12 Drawing on their Central Control Board wartime experience,
Nevile and Butler knew that ingestion of food facilitated metabolizing alcohol.
Women drinking out in Britain
Consumption of food as much as chairs and tables served the same ends –
retarding the impact of alcohol consumption.13 Brewers also introduced food,
games, children’s play areas, non-intoxicating drinks and, reminiscent of the