The darts industry from the
latenineteenthcentury to 1939
[S]port is now a major industry, part of the corporate world, and as
such its development ought to be traced in the same way as should that
of any other important industry1
his chapter examines the origins and development of the English darts
industry2 from the latenineteenthcentury to the end of the inter-war
period. One of the problems with leisure histories can be that the
development of the industry underpinning a particular sport or mass
leisure pursuit is often missing. It would have been
Volga Germans in the latenineteenthcentury:
from refugees to foreign paupers
Background and arrival
On 13 December 1879 the Southampton Times’ ‘Shipping Intelligence’ reported the arrival of the Royal Mail West India and Brazil Steam Packet Company’s
Minho. The ship had called at Buenos Aires, Rio de Janeiro, St Vincent, Lisbon
and Vigo, bringing mail from all these ports. It also brought with it £6,650
in specie, all gold, a ‘large cargo of general merchandise’ and ‘a full complement of passengers’.1 For a busy and fast expanding port in commercial
The poor laws were a fundamental component of nineteenth-century government throughout the United Kingdom. Ratepayer, pauper, poor law guardian or functionary, almost everyone had an interest in the poor law system. This book presents a study of the nature and operation of the Irish poor law system in the post-famine period. It traces the expansion of the system to encompass a wide range of welfare services, and explains the ideological and political context in which the expansion took place. After a general survey of the poor law system in the nineteenth century, the book analyses the poor law system in Ireland and the role of central government in overseeing the system's operation. It explores the impact of board nationalisation both on poor law administration and on the relationship between central and local administrators. Nationalist guardians were quick to realise that their powers under the Evicted Poor Protection Act could be used to support participants in the land campaign. The government's approach to distress in 1879-1880 was intended to avoid the mistakes made during the Great Famine. A more nuanced analysis of the labourers acts is provided here encompassing their origin, reception and operation. The poor law system catered predominantly for women, but was administered and staffed predominantly by men. The strength of Irish nationalism lay in its ability to construct a cohesive political community that cut across gender and class boundaries. By redefining criteria for relief, nationalist guardians helped to introduce a greater degree of flexibility into the relief system.
‘In greater nations, where large numbers of people create complicated social situations, where one can find plenty of riches, a lot of suffering, and high intelligence but also many degenerated individuals, the battle against self-murder can at times seem hopeless, and the onlooker is lead to believe it's all caused by grim determinism’.
This is how the Finnish physician Fredrik Wilhelm Westerlund (1844–1921) summarised the latenineteenth-century suicide discourse in April 1897. Observing
Eventually, it is the bitter sexual rivalry between two
women (the widow and the dewarani or the younger
sister-in-law), exacerbated by the young man’s spinelessness,
which results in the family’s destruction. By the latenineteenthcentury, debates on the Hindu widow were beginning to
shift to the question of remarriage and implicitly to a
Work and the Irish District Asylums during
Although integral to the life of the asylum, work – as occupational therapy
(OT), as income generation, and as a means of evaluating a patient’s recovery –
has been little studied in its own right. Discussions of patient work parties, or
the contributions made by particular cohorts towards the upkeep of the institution, tend to arise incidentally and as part of analyses of power relationships
between staff and inmates. Yet in the period before the large-scale introduction of
A zamindar was originally a revenue gatherer who, under the British, became a landlord. During the early part of the nineteenth century the Sikhs had tightened and expanded their hold on Punjab. When the British became rulers of Punjab, they immediately sought to appease military and landed interests. A large part of Punjab was transformed by massive irrigation schemes during the period 1881-1921 from a desert waste, or, at best, pastoral savannah, into one of the major centres of commercial agriculture in South Asia. The Punjab Land Alienation Act of 1901 was followed by an attempt in 1906 to bring in legislation which would more strictly control various aspects of cultivators' use of land in the new canal colonies. Favouritism by the British towards certain groups strengthened their influence in the countryside as well as reinforcing tribal cohesion.
This book explores the development, character and legacy of the ideology of liberal internationalism in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Britain. Liberal internationalism provided a powerful way of theorising and imagining international relations, and it dominated well-informed political discourse at a time when Britain was the most powerful country in the world. Its proponents focused on securing progress, generating order and enacting justice in international affairs, and it united a diverse group of intellectuals and public figures, leaving a lasting legacy in the twentieth century. The book elucidates the roots, trajectory and diversity of liberal internationalism, focusing in particular on three intellectual languages – international law, philosophy and history – through which it was promulgated, before tracing the impact of these ideas across the defining moment of the First World War. The liberal internationalist vision of the late nineteenth century remained popular well into the twentieth century and forms an important backdrop to the development of the academic study of International Relations in Britain.
The British saw Egypt as a major route to India where their interests could be threatened in alarming ways. This book sheds light on the formation of English national identities in relation to Islam as understood in the context of the British imperial mission. It focuses on the late nineteenth century, a period that marks a new departure in Anglo-Muslim relations in the context of the British Empire shifting the ground on which British identity politics operated. The role of the British Government and English activists respectively in the campaign to suppress slave traffic in Egypt and surrounding areas is discussed. Government officials and British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society (BFASS) members redefined English culture and proper English gender roles. Anti-slavery campaign had as much to do with English domestic as it did with Egyptian and British imperial politics. The book examines the relationships between activism in England, the implementation of government policy in Egypt and imperial encounters, as well as the production of identities and ideologies associated with these efforts. References to the East, Islam and the harem were used to define the behaviour that the English feminists sought to eliminate from their own society as un-English. The poem 'British Turk' focuses on the oppression of English women, on the burdens associated with marriage. The book also explains how the concept of the English nation as the centre of an empire helped to establish a place in England for Islam.