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The possibility of a pan-European approach

Can Russia, the European Union and the three major EU member states adopt a unified policy line in the global arena? This book investigates the cohesiveness of ‘greater Europe’ through the detailed scrutiny of policy statements by the leadership elites in the UK, France, Germany, Russia and the EU in connection with three defining events in international security. The crisis in Kosovo of 1999; the terrorist attacks of 9/11 and the Iraq crisis of 2003. This extensive empirical enquiry results in a critical constructivist response to neorealist understandings of European security. The book contrasts the EU's new way of ‘doing security’ with the established, competitive bilateral interplay in the European security sphere and provides a clue to the kind of security politics that will prevail in Europe. A joint Moscow Brussels approach would improve the chances of both increasing their relative strength vis-a-vis the USA, but serious cleavages threaten to undermine such a ‘greater European’ common view on security. The book considers the extent to which the major European players pursue similar objectives, and assesses the possible implications for and the chances of greater Europe emerging as a cohesive global actor.

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Analysing oratory in Conservative Party politics
Richard Hayton and Andrew S. Crines

(1978; 1995; 1996; 1998), Richard Shannon (1992; 1996), Robert Blake (1970; 1998) and Stuart Ball (1998; 2013).1 One criticism that has been levelled against some of this work (notably Ramsden’s) is that it pays insufficient attention to the role of ideology in the party (Addison, 1999; Garnett, 2013). In part this reflects the tendency to write the history of the party as a chronicle of the actions of its leadership elite. A corrective to this emerged in a revitalised political science literature that accompanied the arrival of Margaret Thatcher in Downing Street

in Conservative orators from Baldwin to Cameron
The legacy of history
Richard Dunphy and Luke March

Introduction As we argued in chapter 1 , the widespread perception of RLPs as ‘eurosceptic’ masks the reality that they actually reflect a wide variety of positions, with elements of Europeanist idealism present in some parties and leadership elites. Moreover, ‘Euroscepticism’ is an ambiguous and highly normative term that can have the unfortunate tendency to lump together parties that reject the European integration project altogether in the name of nationalism; parties that are sceptical about the direction

in The European Left Party
Kevern Verney

society. In contrast the developments in African American historiography since the 1980s have tended to shift attention away from formal civil rights organizations and black leadership elites. Historians investigating the Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and the 1960s increasingly recognized that existing studies had paid too much attention to such groups. Seeking to redress this imbalance, a growing number of scholars aimed their research at grassroots civil rights protest and the hitherto undervalued contribution of working-class black communities. Many of the

in The Debate on Black Civil Rights in America
Douglas Blum

political affinity needed to obtain military and economic assistance. This orientation is true in Ukraine, Georgia and Azerbaijan, where Russian imperial images are rife and where leadership elites have at times sought American security guarantees and even lobbied for admission to NATO. Yet identification with the West is more than merely instrumental. Western economic and political practices are often described as inherently positive and are typically equated with ‘civilised’ ways. Thus, across Eurasia national identity formation clearly includes not only nativist but

in Limiting institutions?
Toward a dialogue with foreign policy analysis
Sebastian Harnisch

(2009) Learning Theory Reconsidered: EU Integration Theories and Learning, Journal of European Public Policy 16(8), 1103–1123. Zubok, Vladislav (1993) The Collapse of the Soviet Union: Leadership, Elites, and Legitimacy, in Geir Lundestad (ed.) The Fall of the Great Powers , Oslo: Scandinavian University Press, 157–174. Zubok, Vladislav (2003) Gorbachev and the End of the Cold War: Different Perspectives on the Historical Personality, in William C. Wohlforth (ed.) Cold War Endgame: Oral History, Analysis, Debates

in Foreign policy as public policy?
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Mary Chamberlain

opportunities for leadership provided through nationalist struggles, men then proceeded to consolidate their positions of power at every level of society.’ 58 While the leadership elite was critical in setting the agenda and, to a degree, pace of decolonisation, few historians pause to consider what social or cultural structures operated, and in what way, to provide an emerging nation with its distinctive

in Empire and nation-building in the Caribbean