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Languages of colonial conflict after 1900

Stirring language and appeals to collective action were integral to the battles fought to defend empires and to destroy them. These wars of words used rhetoric to make their case. This book explores the arguments fought over empire in a wide variety of geographic, political, social and cultural contexts. Essays range from imperialism in the early 1900s, to the rhetorical battles surrounding European decolonization in the late twentieth century. Rhetoric is one of the weapons of war. Conquest was humiliating for Afrikaners but they regained a degree of sovereignty, with the granting of responsible government to the new colonies in 1907 and independence with the Act of Union of 1910. Liberal rhetoric on the Transvaal Crisis was thus neither an isolated debate nor simply the projection of existing political concerns onto an episode of imperial emergency. President Franklin D. Roosevelt's principles of intervention in response to crimes against civilization, constituted a second corollary to the Monroe Doctrine. The rhetorical use of anti-imperial demonology was useful in building support for New Deal legislation. The book argues that rhetoric set out to portray the events at Mers el-Kebir within a culturally motivated framework, drawing on socially accepted 'truths' such as historic greatness and broad themes of hope. Now, over 175 years of monarchical presence in New Zealand the loyalty may be in question, devotion scoffed, the sycophantic language more demure and colloquialized, the medium of expression revolutionized and deformalized, but still the rhetoric of the realm remains in New Zealand.

Imperial governance, the Transvaal Crisis and the anxieties of Liberal rhetoric on empire
Simon Mackley

politics. Liberal rhetoric on the Transvaal Crisis was thus neither an isolated debate nor simply the projection of existing political concerns onto an episode of imperial emergency. Rather, it constituted one aspect of the wider impact of empire upon British politics in the latter half of the nineteenth century. The contexts in which the rhetoric examined in this chapter was constructed and deployed served

in Rhetorics of empire
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If it is not mysterious, it is not social theory
Marcel Stoetzle

produce overblown illusions about its own importance in order to get off the ground in the first place, but that does not mean it is exclusively functional, self-defeating and affirmative of the system. The rebellion might, however, learn something about its own limitations from fatherly sociology, and be the stronger for it. Craib’s second example helps explain why workers who buy into the liberal rhetoric of ‘a fair day’s work for a fair day’s wage’ will not be easily impressed by Marxist critical theory: these nasty party-pooping Marxists destroy a soothing

in Beginning classical social theory
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French-made today v. yesterday
Andy Smith

already working for the state, the availability of neo-liberal rhetoric and recipes, together with greater competition from local politicians and administrations, has sapped the coherence of what, for forty years of continuous growth, had been the state’s guiding light. More specifically, in this country neo-liberalism has not simply replaced the value hierarchy which previously dominated the state, rather it has become part of its neo- dirigiste approach to governing. The overall result has thus been a hybrid which, in turn, has been difficult for its own officials to

in Made in France
Credibility, dirigisme and globalisation
Ben Clift

reconciled themselves to globalisation whilst retaining dirigiste policy space for egalitarian economic interventionism. Jospin’s policy record, detailed below, offers evidence that the degree of room for governmental manoeuvre is not as heavily circumscribed as the neo-liberal rhetoric of globalisation suggests. The Jospin government’s activism gives the lie to the hyper-global discourse on globalisation. This suggests more complex responses to the process of globalisation in practice than neo-liberal rhetorical deployments of globalisation. To understand the political

in In search of social democracy
Open Access (free)
Cas Mudde

system based on a sense of solidarism. For the VB, the solidarist ‘people’s economy’ is achievement-oriented and builds on the duty to work and on the central role of the family. This solidarist system does not differ very much from the systems of the mixed economy favoured by the other parties, however, which are also (more or less) achievement-oriented and family-friendly. Despite the fact that all parties support some form of welfare state, most regularly cite neo-liberal rhetoric and return regularly to various neo-liberal hobby horses, such as the limitation of

in The ideology of the extreme right
Problems of polysemy and idealism
Andrew Sayer

which the same and other actors participate, and across which resources are allocated. Yet, as noted earlier, market prices are not merely neutral reflections of demand and supply but reflect the balances of power in many arenas. ‘You cannot buck the market’, a slogan beloved of Margaret Thatcher, was another way of saying that ‘might is right’, regardless of how the might is distributed. The ideological notion of latent or implicit markets which only need freeing figures strongly in neo-liberal rhetoric, and contrasts strikingly with the view, associated with Polanyi

in Market relations and the competitive process
Katariina Kyrölä

(2014). ‘ “Awaken your incredible”: Love your body discourses and postfeminist contradictions’, International Journal of Media and Cultural Politics, 10:2, pp. 179–​88. GQ (2016). ‘Millennials: Stop being offended by, like, literally everything’, GQ (12 August),​ m ​ a rticle/​ m illennials-​ c reated-​ g eneration- ​ s nowflake (accessed 17 December 2017). Halberstam, J. (2014a). ‘You’re triggering me! The neoliberal rhetoric of harm, danger and trauma’, BullyBloggers (5 July), https://​​ 2014/​07/​05/​you-​are-​triggering-​me-​the-​neo-​liberal-​rhetoric

in The power of vulnerability
Dalit feminist voices from the field
Johanna Gondouin, Suruchi Thapar-Björkert, and Mohan Rao

women's reproductive lives within the broader contexts of social justice and human rights (Ross and Solinger 2017 ; Ross et al., 2017 ). As opposed to dominant western discourses on reproductive rights and the associated liberal rhetoric of bodily autonomy and individual choice, the conversation is extended to address how the intersections of race and class have exposed women of colour and their communities to abusive population policies such as forced sterilisation, high-risk contraception, environmental pollution and discriminatory adoption industries and foster

in Birth controlled
‘no mere suffrage society’
Maureen Wright

Glasgow Herald, for example, considered that Mary Cozens had spoken in the manner of Tom Paine, and it was just such a forceful tone which now overlaid traditional, altruistic, liberal rhetoric as workingclass women, ‘restless with convulsive energy’, took up the cause in earnest.50, Drawing on a correspondence network that now numbered over 7,000 international activists, Elizabeth ensured that the WEU’s place in the new direction suffragism was taking was known around the globe. Feminist engagement with the theories of citizenship and democracy underwent a significant

in Elizabeth Wolstenholme Elmy and the Victorian Feminist Movement