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Author: Hugo Frey

This book introduces readers to the cinema of Louis Malle. Malle needs little further preliminary discussion here. His is a body of work that most film critics around the world recognise as being one of the most productive in post-war international cinema, including as it does triumphs such as Ascenseur pour l'échafaud; Le Feu follet; Lacombe Lucien; Atlantic City USA, and Au revoir les enfants . Malle's work attracted intense public controversy, with a new Malle film being just as likely to find itself debated on the front page of Le Monde or Libération as reviewed in the film section of those newspapers. Malle's four major films of the 1970s represent a fusion of the youthful bravado and confidence of the 1950s combined with the new political questioning adopted in the late 1960s. Le Souffle au cœur, Lacombe Lucien, Black Moon, and Pretty Baby were made in relatively quick succession and each engaged in controversial and divisive themes. The book analyses Malle's political journey from the cultural right-wing to the libertarian left, to explain how Le Souffle au cœur marked a radical break with the 1950s by speaking of that era through a comic mode. It explores how Lacombe Lucien works as a film, to discuss its core rhetorical devices and what they mean today. The book also demonstrates that Malle is too complex to be explained by one theory or interpretation, however tempting its conclusions.

Hugo Frey

the radical right-wing, although these were in themselves subtle and ambiguous connections (1978: 71–2). In the first part of this chapter I will discuss Ascenseur pour l’échafaud , Les Amants and Le Feu follet in the light of this admission. The chapter also offers an opportunity to analyse Malle’s political journey from the cultural right-wing to the libertarian left, to explain how Le Souffle

in Louis Malle
City Fun and the politics of post-punk
David Wilkinson

association of certain strands of post-punk with the post-war libertarian left meant that it often carried through the utopianism of 1960s radicalism into the early days of Thatcherism. This utopianism took muted but nevertheless vital forms during a moment usually characterised by left historiography as bleak, hopeless and even apocalyptic. Post-punk, then, may act as a resource of hope in specifically neoliberal, crisis-ridden conditions. Yet post-punk also marked the incorporation of the -92- Communiqués and Sellotape counterculture in various ways – not least the

in Ripped, torn and cut
From the ‘Red Week’ to the Russian revolutions
Carl Levy

movement; nevertheless it raised illfeeling to irreconcilably shrill tones. The deep loathing for German civilisation which it expressed had always lain close to the surface of the Francophile libertarian left even before the war. Cherkesov, for instance, had written to Jean Grave in the autumn of 1914 anticipating the harsh tenor of the Manifesto’s words: he told Grave that the war needed to be followed to its logical conclusion and that it was necessary that ‘the Germans were beaten, annihilated, ­humiliated … let, this time, the Allies bring devastation and massacre

in Anarchism, 1914–18
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Evan Smith and Matthew Worley

needed, particularly as the capitalist system used violence against the left in the West, and against the Third World in general, such as in Vietnam. This led to the establishment of the Weather Underground in the United States, the Red Army Faction in West Germany, the Red Brigades in Italy and the Japanese Red Army in Japan. The second chapter also looks at a similar organisation in Britain, the Angry Brigade, who undertook a number of attacks on British installations between 1969 and 1972. J. D. Taylor situates the Angry Brigade within the wider anarchist/libertarian

in Waiting for the revolution
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Michael Temple

equally illustrates, again seen from a historical angle, are the serious political limitations of the libertarian left, not just in the 1930s, but beyond the Second World War, and into the 1950s and 1960s, when of course Jean Vigo and his films would become cultural symbols of youthful rebellion and Utopian revolution. Thus Vermorel’s petition, well intentioned but ineffectual, sarcastic but pleading, is symptomatic of a left

in Jean Vigo
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Matthew Worley

–84 (London: Faber & Faber, 2005); David Wilkinson, ‘Difficult fun: British post-punk and the libertarian left Wrigley.indb 219 08/03/2017 17:45:44 220 Matthew Worley Of course, the extent to which Bradshaw’s foresight may be put down to chance, intuition, astute Marxist analysis or wishful thinking is open to question. What remains interesting, however, is the debate underpinning the CPGB’s attempts to locate youth culture as a site of political struggle. Running in Marxism Today through 1973–75 and into the wider communist press thereafter, the protracted discussion

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Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

critics of industrialisation as William Morris and Leo Tolstoy, both of whom exposed industrialisation as taking the human value, satisfaction and skill out of work, as well as destroying what was beautiful in the natural world. Nor are the origins of ecologism always to be found among the libertarian left – rather embarrassingly for modern greens. The Nazis, for example, were influenced by some green concerns, such as alternative energy

in Understanding political ideas and movements
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Doing good in Africa
Julia Gallagher

accepted as an inevitable and endless part of politics. David Marquand argues that this assumption underpinned New Labour’s absorption of a New Labour: doing good in Africa 15 wide range of different interests – not just traditional labour, but big business and financial interests – and the belief that it could develop a set of policies to suit all. Older forms of Labourism – trade unionism, libertarian leftism, even social democracy – spoke in terms of struggle and of conflicting interests between labour and capital (Marquand, 1999). New Labour, by contrast

in Britain and Africa under Blair
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Julia Gallagher

New Labour after his election as leader in 1994, he was keen to stress that his was a new form of politics which would unite previously divided constituencies (Blair, 1998c). There was an assumption that difference and argument were to be overcome, rather than accepted as an inevitable part of politics, and New Labour would be able to absorb of a range of different interests – not just those of its traditional constituency, but big business and finance – and develop a set of policies to suit all. Traditional forms of Labour thinking – trade unionism, libertarian

in Britain and Africa under Blair