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The making of modern Gibraltar since 1704

This study concerns the history of Gibraltar following its military conquest in 1704, after which sovereignty of the territory was transferred from Spain to Britain and it became a British fortress and colony. It focuses on the civilian population and shows how a substantial multi-ethnic Roman Catholic and Jewish population, derived mainly from the littorals and islands of the Mediterranean, became settled in British Gibraltar, much of it in defiance of British efforts to control entry and restrict residence. To explain why that population arrived and took root, the book also analyses the changing fortunes of the local economy over 300 years, the occupational opportunities presented and the variable living standards which resulted. Although for most of the period the British authorities primarily regarded Gibraltar as a fortress and governed it autocratically, they also began to incorporate civilians into administration, until it eventually, though still a British Overseas Territory, became internally a self-governing civilian democracy. The principal intention of the study is to show how the demographic, economic, administrative and political history of Gibraltar accounts for the construction, eventually and problematically, of a distinctive ‘Gibraltarian’ identity. With Gibraltar's political future still today contested, this is a matter of considerable political importance.

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‘“I have not finished”’
Jeffrey Wainwright

Something here even so. Our well dug-in language pitches us as it finds – I tell myself don’t wreck a good phrase simply to boost sense – granted its dark places, the fabled burden; its loops and extraordinary progressions, its mere conundrums forms and rites of discourse; its bleak littoral swept by bursts of sunlight; its earthen genius auditing the spheres. In this closing passage of ‘Discourse: For Stanley Rosen’ 1 I want to dwell on the penultimate line: ‘its bleak littoral

in Acceptable words
John Chircop

8 Quarantine, sanitisation, colonialism and the construction of the ‘contagious Arab’ in the Mediterranean, 1830s–1900 John Chircop Introduction This chapter seeks to investigate quarantines – their set-up and sanitisation procedures – much as others have discussed other medical/hygienist institutions, in terms of their links with contemporary structures of power, mainly in connection with Western European colonial expansion in the southern and eastern littoral of the Mediterranean during the nineteenth century. As the growing volume of literature on the

in Mediterranean Quarantines, 1750–1914
British military nursing in the Crimean War
Carol Helmstadter

understanding of disease and hence of nursing care In the Crimean War four different combatants, Britain, France, Sardinia and the Ottoman Empire fought Russia on two continents in many locations but, because it is so well documented, this chapter deals only with British nursing on the Black Sea littoral. When Britain and France declared war on Russia at the end of March 1854 the Turks were already fighting the Russians. A Russian army had invaded Ottoman territory in Bulgaria and was besieging the fortress of Silistria on the Danube. Hoping to prevent the Russians from

in One hundred years of wartime nursing practices, 1854–1953
Krista Maglen

on board, up to and including departure from its last port, rather than ‘after it had left’. It also included two new provisions. The first reinforced the expertise of the ship’s surgeon, ensuring a completion of the professionalization of port medicine, making medical men solely qualified to identify the presence of disease at the littoral. As the Port of London Sanitary Committee described, it requires [the surgeon] to give a responsible professional certificate as to whether there has been any case on board. The Master’s certificate was, strictly speaking, of no

in The English System
Satoru Nagao

This chapter analyses the recent intensification of India-Japan security ties from the Japanese perspective. The chapter stresses the importance of the deepening dialogue between foreign and defence ministers and Japan’s now regular participation in naval exercises in the last few years. It argues that for Japan, the main rationale is geo-strategic, namely the changing US-China balance, because Japan is no longer certain that the US will continue to balance against China and support Japan’s interests in the region. This makes India a central ally initially for burden sharing with the United States in the Indian Ocean, for protecting sea-lanes of communication and eventually for collaborating with Japan to support South China Sea littoral countries. The shared values between the two countries, and the expectation that India is a status-quo power in South Asia, and has a long history of cooperation in international institutions, makes India a natural regional security partner.

in Japan's new security partnerships
Space, identity and power

This volume aims to disclose the political, social and cultural factors that influenced the sanitary measures against epidemics developed in the Mediterranean during the long nineteenth century. The contributions to the book provide new interdisciplinary insights to the booming field of ‘quarantine studies’ through a systematic use of the analytic categories of space, identity and power. The ultimate goal is to show the multidimensional nature of quarantine, the intimate links that sanitary administrations and institutions had with the territorial organization of states, international trade, the construction of national, colonial, religious and professional identities or the configuration of political regimes. The circum-Mediterranean geographical spread of the case studies contained in this volume illuminates the similarities and differences around and across this sea, on the southern and northern shores, in Arabic, Spanish, Portuguese, Greek, Italian, English and French-speaking domains. At the same time, it is highly interested in engaging in the global English-speaking community, offering a wide range of terms, sources, bibliography, interpretative tools and views produced and elaborated in various Mediterranean countries. The historical approach will be useful to recognize the secular tensions that still lie behind present-day issues such as the return of epidemics or the global flows of migrants and refugees.

By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance. Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum, ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in activities not officially classed as war.

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Christopher Tyerman

more than five centuries after the First Crusade (1095–99), armies under the banners of the cross and sustained by special offers of forgiveness of sins associated with that first campaign to win Jerusalem, reached all corners of Europe and the littoral of the Near East, touching some seminal political events of the age: the reordering of the Near East and the frontiers between Islamic and Christian rulers in the Mediterranean; the German and Christian conquest of the southern and eastern Baltic; the repression of religious dissent in Christendom; the assertion of

in The Debate on the Crusades
Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.