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crisis ( Khawaja, 2011 ) and their alleged contribution to the Lebanese civil war (1975–90). With no safe place to go back to, Syrian refugees succumb to restrictive Lebanese measures such as the ones limiting their right to work in only three sectors: agriculture, construction and cleaning services. This field report examines the impact and limitations faced by a digital skills training programme that aimed to meet the livelihoods and employment needs of Syrian refugees and
promote refugee livelihoods. Broadly described as ‘mental maps representing spaces to which people relate and with which they identify’ ( Boudreau, 2007 : 2596), spatial imaginaries allow us to analyse underpinning assumptions and understandings of technology produced in association with the practices of using technologies to create livelihoods in specific circumstances and contexts of forced migration. Data about the efficacy and impact of digital work on refugees’ lives are limited. This
complemented by worries over the greenhouse gas emissions that arise from waste and its management. But in many cities across the global south, the positive potential of waste has long been recognised. Actors, particularly in the informal sector, harness the value of this waste: waste makes essential contributions to the precarious livelihoods of millions of poor urban dwellers through waste-picking for use, recycling, recuperation and sale, and through practices, markets and production processes associated with urban waste circulation processes (Miraftab
Introduction The spread of a transnational digital economy has inspired a wide range of new approaches to livelihoods provision in humanitarian aid and international development. With the emergence of the Future of Work as a central theme of global governance and development ( Silva, 2021 ), many organisations have launched programmes that link aid to a web-based economy. This has given rise to a new digital era of marketised aid, in which
in robust monitoring and evaluation (M&E): long-term tracking of refugees’ livelihoods outcomes post-training, adjusting programmes based on these outcomes and being honest about whether these outcomes justify the existence of these trainings at all – not to mention the time, effort and hope that refugees put into them. Part of this tracking should entail a deep understanding of the financial outcomes of ‘gigs’ that refugees secure, as well as a critical consideration of
Introduction Today forced displacement is at a record high, with over 100 million people displaced ( UN, 2022 ). Once displaced, most people remain in exile for many years or decades. The magnitude of the scale and duration of displacement prompts renewed urgency about livelihoods prospects of displaced people and how humanitarian organisations can support these. Scholarship, policy and practice on livelihoods is now widespread, yet rarely
Women Refugees and Livelihood Barriers The coronavirus pandemic has had a damaging impact on the livelihoods of women globally and a disproportionate effect on refugees compared to their host populations ( Clingain et al. , 2021 ; Dempster et al. , 2020 ). Women refugees already disadvantaged by virtue of their social status and other legal, social and logistical barriers have been hit hardest by the devastating effects
easily as well as save and borrow funds to build stronger livelihoods. In this article, we use new research in Kenya and Jordan to show that financial inclusion cannot promote self-reliance in contexts where refugees are unable to work and move freely. In these contexts, digital financial services can provide channels for relief funds. However, the mechanisms host governments allow (and donors fund) end up being extensions of agendas of exclusion. Rather than
households. It zooms in on a different group – middle-aged women – and their affective and economic relationships with younger daughters and daughters-in-law. Drawing on life history interviews and focus group discussions with seventeen Syrian women in Jordan in spring 2019, this article explores the diverse monetary and non-monetary contributions of middle-aged women to the livelihoods of refugee families. For the sake of this article, we understand ‘middle-aged’ women as
displaced 4.5 million people from 2013 to 2018 ( Checchi et al. , 2018 : 2). Prior civil wars have also been said to affect marriage practices ( Stern, 2011 ). Other literature explores how ongoing fighting, food insecurity, lack of livelihood opportunities, coupled with deeply entrenched practices of violence, dowry and cattle raiding, contribute to child marriage ( Huser, 2018 ; Hove et al. , 2017 ; JICA, 2017 ; Bérenger and Verdier-Chouchane, 2016 ; Oxfam, 2017 ). Similar to data in other settings, research in South Sudan links child marriage to increased