tackle discrimination and promote integration. Whether they were genuine well-meaning attempts to counter racial discrimination, or simply seen as a means to combat the social problems that black immigration was often linked to, they were central to Britain’s distinct race relations framework that prevailed well into the 1980s. 2
This chapter discusses localgovernmentpolicy in Wiltshire between the early 1960s and the implementation of the Race Relations Act 1976, which marked a key turning point in the county’s immigrant, integration and diversity policies and
Anti-racism, equal opportunities, community cohesion and religious identity in a rural space, 1999 onwards
localgovernmentpolicies and measures in Wiltshire and it focuses on the county’s local political approach to immigration, integration and diversity since the turn of the twenty-first century. It traces changes and continuities as Wiltshire’s local administration once again balanced national-level directive and mandate with local circumstances and particularism. As was the case during previous decades, local authorities were once again counted on to play an important role in delivering national-level policy. The 2001 Cantle Report requested that they ‘prepare a local
Race relations, multiculturalism and integration, 1976 to the late 1990s
multiculturalism developed against a backdrop of restrictive immigration policies, an ever-increasing diversification of migrant communities due to family reunification and the emergence of a British-born generation, and the persistent shift in the construction of difference from a focus on ‘race’ to ‘ethnicity’ to ‘faith’.
This chapter focuses on localgovernmentpolicy in Wiltshire from the immediate aftermath of the passing of the Race Relations Act 1976 to the late 1990s. It charts an increase and diversification in the county’s immigrant, integration and diversity
This book is the first comprehensive study of Muslim migrant integration in rural Britain across the post-1960s period. It uses the county of Wiltshire as a case study, and assesses both local authority policies and strategies, and Muslim communities’ personal experiences of migration and integration. It draws upon previously unexplored archival material and oral histories, and addresses a range of topics and themes, including entrepreneurship, housing, education, multiculturalism, social cohesion, and religious identities, needs and practices. It challenges the long-held assumption that local authorities in more rural areas have been inactive, and even disinterested, in devising and implementing migration, integration and diversity policies, and it sheds light on small and dispersed Muslim communities that have traditionally been written out of Britain’s immigration history. It reveals what is a clear, and often complex, relationship between rurality and integration, and shows how both local authority policies and Muslim migrants’ experiences have long been rooted in, and shaped by, their rural settings and the prevalence of small ethnic minority communities and Muslim populations in particular. The study’s findings and conclusions build upon research on migration and integration at the rural level, as well as local-level migrant policies, experiences and integration, and uncover what has long been a rural dimension to Muslim integration in Britain.
Victorian medical men could suffer numerous setbacks on their individual paths to professionalisation, and Thomas Elkanah Hoyle's career offers a telling exemplar. This book addresses a range of the financial, professional, and personal challenges that faced and sometimes defeated the aspiring medical men of England and Wales. Spanning the decades 1780-1890, from the publication of the first medical directory to the second Medical Registration Act, it considers their careers in England and Wales, and in the Indian Medical Service. The book questions the existing picture of broad and rising medical prosperity across the nineteenth century to consider the men who did not keep up with professionalising trends. Financial difficulty was widespread in medical practice, and while there are only a few who underwent bankruptcy or insolvency identified among medical suicides, the fear of financial failure could prove a powerful motive for self-destruction. The book unpicks the life stories of men such as Henry Edwards, who could not sustain a professional persona of disinterested expertise. In doing so it uncovers the trials of the medical marketplace and the pressures of medical masculinity. The book also considers charges against practitioners that entailed their neglect, incompetence or questionable practice which occasioned a threat to patients' lives. The occurrence and reporting of violent crime by medical men, specifically serious sexual assault and murder is also discussed. A tiny proportion of medical practitioners also experienced life as a patient in an asylum.
, the ‘second generation’ of whom were contemporaneously still engaged in a ‘racial’
classification of Gypsies and Travellers in Britain. Because of their roles
as advisers to the government on policy issues concerning all British
Gypsies and Travellers, the ‘racial’ and ‘exoticist’ classifications of
British Gypsilorists were to have a profound effect on British localgovernmentpolicy towards Gypsies and Travellers until well after the
Second World War. While Irish folklorists like McGrath were not to have
any public policy role like some of the British Gypsilorists
needed to build an economy for entrepreneurs across the social,
private and public sectors. Moreover, without really explaining what it meant,
Renua also declared that it wanted to make the public sector public and give
politics back to the people. The latter sounded eerily like the Fianna Fáil
manifesto of 1997, ‘People Before Politics’, or the Fine Gael–Labour coalition’s localgovernmentpolicy document of 2012, ‘Putting People First’.
Four months later, in July 2015, another new political party came into
being with the formation of the Social Democrats by the
Muslim integration in Britain - a theoretical and analytical framework
, the aim is to re-examine, and develop a more dynamic understanding of, Muslim integration in Britain in a more rural setting. It charts localgovernmentpolicy through major turning points across the post-war period, including the introduction of race relations legislation, the resettlement of Ugandan Asians, the emergence of a multicultural ideology and subsequent community cohesion agenda, and the persistent shift in the construction of difference from a focus on ‘race’ to ‘ethnicity’ to ‘faith’. In an attempt to capture the complete picture, this study adopts a
Muslim integration, the rural dimension and research implications
. By drawing upon the perspectives of both Wiltshire’s local authority and its Muslim communities, and by addressing a range of topics and themes, including education, entrepreneurship, housing, multiculturalism, religious identity and practice, racism, victimisation and Islamophobia, and social cohesion, it has exposed a previously unexplored rural dimension to localgovernmentpolicy and Muslim experiences across the post-1960s period that complements existing comprehensive historical accounts of Muslim communities in Britain that have largely adopted more of an
between localgovernmentpolicies and their Muslim migrant
communities. This was especially the case in Newcastle where daily life
appears to have often continued almost in willing ignorance of local
authority policies and plans. This is not the consequence of impractical
or misdirected policies, but rather evidence of the extent to which selfdetermination and a desire for independence enabled migrant
communities’ success despite them.
The sixth and final theme concerns regional identity and the extent
to which it acted as either an advocate or barrier to Muslim ethnic