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Charles V. Reed

appeal for inclusion in a national-imperial community and to petition for the rights as citizen-subjects of a British world. 14 As Donal Lowry has demonstrated, empire loyalism was a crucial means by which ethnic ‘outsiders’ participated in imperial culture. 15 Imperial citizenship and even Britishness were embraced by non-English and non-British subjects of the queen. In Canada, Lowry argues, ethnic outsiders could and did

in Royals on tour
Ryan Wolfson-Ford

Phouma led opposing factions. Souvanna sought to neutralise Laos to be non-aligned in the Cold War, before leading the RLG in the Second Indochina War. Souphanouvong led the Pathet Lao, which aimed to liberate Laos from foreign rule; it co-opted Issara remnants but was controlled by North Vietnam. Early in his reign, Savang Vatthana quietly supported the Comité pour la Défense des Intérêts Nationaux (CDIN), a virulently anti-communist, nationalist movement loyal to the state. 4 After the collapse of the Geneva Accords all attention turned to the escalating war from

in Monarchies and decolonisation in Asia
Racism, immigration and the state
Steve Loyal

4 Welcome to the Celtic Tiger: racism, immigration and the state STEVE LOYAL The ‘Celtic Tiger’ has come to provide a convenient shorthand for Ireland’s prosperous and rapidly growing economy. Like all metaphors, it occludes as much as it includes; as a way of representing, it is just as much a way of misrepresenting. The implication of a prosperity in which ‘a rising tide lifts all boats’ masks the growth of poverty and inequality and generalises what is, in fact, only a restricted experience of newly found wealth, within a broader context of class and gender

in The end of Irish history?
Britain and Australia 1900 to the present
Author: Neville Kirk

Explanations of working-class politics in Australia and Britain have traditionally been heavily rooted in domestic 'bread and butter', socio-economic factors, including the much-debated issue of social class. 'Traditional' and 'revisionist' accounts have greatly advanced our knowledge and understanding of labour movements in general and labour politics in particular. This book offers a pathbreaking comparative and trans-national study of the neglected influences of nation, empire and race. The study is about the development and electoral fortunes of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) and the British Labour Party (BLP) from their formative years of the 1900s to the elections of 2010. Based upon extensive primary and secondary source-based research in Britain and Australia over several years, the book makes a new and original contribution to the fields of labour, imperial and 'British world' history. It offers the challenging conclusion that the forces of nation, empire and race exerted much greater influence upon Labour politics in both countries than suggested by 'traditionalists' and 'revisionists' alike. Labour sought a more democratic, open and just society, but, unlike the ALP, it was not a serious contender for political and social power. In both countries, the importance attached to the politics of loyalism is partly related to questions of place and space. In both Australia and Britain the essential strength of the emergent Labour parties was rooted in the trade unions. The book also presents three core arguments concerning the influences of nation, empire, race and class upon Labour's electoral performance.

Katrina Navickas

The Peterloo Massacre was more than just a Manchester event. The attendees, on whom Manchester industry depended, came from a large spread of the wider textile regions. The large demonstrations that followed in the autumn of 1819, protesting against the actions of the authorities, were pan-regional and national. The reaction to Peterloo established the massacre as firmly part of the radical canon of martyrdom in the story of popular protest for democracy. This article argues for the significance of Peterloo in fostering a sense of regional and northern identities in England. Demonstrators expressed an alternative patriotism to the anti-radical loyalism as defined by the authorities and other opponents of mass collective action.

Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
Open Access (free)
Interpreting Violence on Healthcare in the Early Stage of the South Sudanese Civil War
Xavier Crombé and Joanna Kuper

secured by the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS), where about 8,000 people had sought shelter amid tensions and fear between the different communities present. As troops loyal to the government advanced toward Bentiu in the first week of January, MSF-H decided to evacuate its whole team and relocate it, for safety, to the town of Leer, 130 kilometres south of Bentiu, where the aid agency had been running the local hospital since 2005. In an article posted on the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Author: Edward Vallance

Loyalty, memory and public opinion in England, 1658-1727 makes an important contribution to the ongoing debate over the emergence of an early modern ‘public sphere’. Focusing on the petition-like form of the loyal address, it argues that these texts helped to foster a politically-aware public through mapping shifts in the national ‘mood’. Covering addressing campaigns from the late Cromwellian to the early Georgian period, it explores the production, presentation, subscription and publication of these texts. Through an in-depth examination of the social background of subscribers and the geography of subscription, it argues that addressing activity provided opportunities to develop political coalitions. By exploring the ritual of drafting and presenting an address, it demonstrates how this form was used strategically by both addressers and government. Both the act of subscribing and the act of presenting an address imprinted this activity in both local and national public memory. The memory of addressing activity in turn shaped the understanding of public loyalty. The volume employs corpus analysis techniques to demonstrate how the meaning of loyalty was transformed over the seventeenth and eighteenth-centuries. The shifts in public loyalty, however, did not, as some contemporaries such as Daniel Defoe claimed, make these professions of fidelity meaningless. Instead, Loyalty, memory and public opinion argues for that beneath partisan attacks on addressing lay a broad consensus about the validity of this political practice. Ultimately, loyal addresses acknowledged the existence of a broad ‘political public’ but did so in a way which fundamentally conceded the legitimacy of the social and political hierarchy

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Addressing, petitioning and the public
Edward Vallance

colleagues on both sides of the House: the opposition leader Ed Miliband had instead celebrated the Duke’s ‘unique turn of phrase’ while the then Prime Minister David Cameron spoke of the royal consort’s ‘down-to-earth, no-nonsense approach’ which endeared him to the British public. 2 A year later, another royal celebration, the Queen’s Diamond Jubilee, prompted a further round of loyal addresses, with twenty-seven ‘Privileged Bodies’ (religious organisations, universities and civic corporations) sending their

in Loyalty, memory and public opinion in England, 1658–​1727
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Popular loyalism and the politics of Protestant Ascendancy
Allan Blackstock

2 William Richardson: popular loyalism and the politics of Protestant Ascendancy C lonfeacle straddles the River Blackwater and its rector, like Janus, the Roman god of bridges, looked towards the future as well as back to the past. But, unlike the stony classical deity, William Richardson could change with the times. Compared to loyalism in Britain, the study of its Irish equivalent of the 1790s has languished in the historio­graphical shadow of radicalism and nationalism, even though the eighteenth cen­tury is seen as the ‘Protestant century’.1 The neglect

in Science, politics and society in early nineteenth-century Ireland
Katrina Navickas

across Britain during the winter of 1792–3. In northern England, loyal addresses were drawn up and signed in guild halls (York, Sheffield, Congleton); town halls (Macclesfield, Ripon, Wigan, Halifax, Carlisle, Lancaster); moot halls (Leeds, Wakefield); court houses and sessions rooms (Salford, Knaresborough); grammar schools (Rochdale, Bolton); assembly rooms (Warrington); parish churches (St Helens, Bradford) and chapels in smaller places (for example, Lydgate in Saddleworth, nestled in the hills on the Lancashire-­ Yorkshire border).2 This huge effort of gathering

in Protest and the politics of space and place, 1789–1848