A transnational magnate: 1166–74
he Lacys took their name from the Norman town of Lassy (Calvados,
cant. Condé-sur-Noireau), where they held a subtenancy under the
bishop of Bayeux. Two brothers, Ilbert (d. 1093) and Walter (d. 1085),
accompanied William the Conqueror to England in 1066, and were
rewarded for their service with substantial grants there. The elder brother,
Ilbert, was granted a northern barony centred on Pontefract (Yorkshire).
The younger brother, Walter, was established in the west midlands and
along the Welsh march, centred on his fee
Simon Walker studied modern history at Magdelen College, Oxford, graduating with first-class honours in 1979. When Walker began researching the retinue of John of Gaunt in 1980, 'bastard feudalism' had been the subject of debate for thirty-five years. A study of John of Gaunt's retinue could be expected to throw important, if not decisive, light on these problems. For not only was his the largest retinue in late medieval England, but for thirty years the duke himself had a dominant role in the domestic, military and diplomatic policy of England. In 1994, Michael Jones and Walker published for the Camden Society an edition of all the surviving private life indentures for peace and war apart from those of John of Gaunt and William, Lord Hastings. Walker's introduction to the volume reviewed the evolution of life indentures, the range of services they embraced, the regulation of obligations for service and reward, and the changing role of such indentures over the period 1278-1476. From these broad investigations into the balance of power between magnates and gentry, Walker returned to examine how, in individual cases, two men from different backgrounds built their careers on noble and royal patronage. Walker then turned to examine the retrospective view of the 1399 revolution in literate culture. He used case studies to build up a picture of collective mentalities among different social grades and vocational worlds, hoping ultimately to construct a new approach to the tensions and strength of the late medieval polity.
The 'Indian Room' label from Osterley's bell-pull system illustrates the economic and cultural aspects of the relationship between country houses and the British Empire. This book is a study of that relationship, of the ways in which country houses like Osterley served as venues for the expression of personal and national imperial engagement between 1700 and 1930. A rare scholarly analysis of the history of country houses that goes beyond an architectural or biographical study, and recognises their importance as the physical embodiments of imperial wealth and reflectors of imperial cultural influences, is presented. The book assesses the economic and cultural links between country houses and the Empire. In terms of imperial values, country houses expressed both the economic and cultural impact of empire. Carr and Gladstone were only two of the many examples of colonial merchants who turned landed magnates. Nabobs - men who made their fortunes either as employees of the East India Company or as 'free traders' in India - were willing to risk their lives in pursuit of wealth. Like nabobs, planters went to the colonies in search of wealth and were prepared to spend substantial time there in order to accumulate it. Military and naval were among categories of people who purchased landed estates with imperial wealth. The book identifies four discourses of empire - commodities, cosmopolitanism, conquest and collecting - that provided the basic categories in which empire was represented in country-house context.
feudalism came to be viewed in more neutral terms. It could be seen as a restatement of the traditional equation between a lord’s protection and patronage and a vassal’s service and fidelity, adapted to a more commercialised and multi-layered society. As emphasis shifted away from the military towards the peacetime function of the lord’s retinue and wider affinity, so the question arose of its role in political society both at local and national level. How pervasive was the network of clientage and patronage exercised through the magnate affinity? Did the magnate affinity
through anti-magnate laws which sought to discipline and
disarm lawless nobles while also dissolving their means of support
(fiefs, vassals, etc.) and divorcing them from popolani . The
purpose of such anti-magnate laws, it has been claimed, ‘was
simply to destroy the nobility as an organised force in public life. In
other words, it was an attempt – careful, calculated, and
completely serious – to make a
German identities have developed.
What interests me here is how the story of 978 was told and retold while
that process was underway. I will therefore take 1124 and the rallying
of French magnates to the side of Louis VI against Henry V as a symbolic
Our surviving contemporaneous annal entries come, perhaps
not surprisingly, from Paris and the western edge of the Empire. Both
aristocratic lordship in Ireland was far from ideal for John.
Lacy supremacy in Ireland harked back to the days of the elder Hugh,
and John’s embarrassment in 1185. For John, the limitation of magnate
power was essential. The ensuing period in Ireland was one of conflict
between royal and aristocratic lordship, soon to be replicated throughout the Angevin empire. Indeed, it is intriguing to speculate what might
have happened had the baronial revolts in Ireland (1207–8) and England
and Wales (1215–17) not been separated by seven years. In the event, the
respite allowed King
white team from Bechuanaland. The Currie Cup, instituted as the prize
for interprovincial white cricket in 1888, was presented by Donald
Currie, diamond and gold magnate, of Castle Mail Packets Ltd which
provided the sea link between South Africa and England. 11 Rhodesia was
admitted to the Currie Cup competition for one match in the
1904–05 season but did not play again until 1930. 12
The institutional practice of exemption did not operate outside existing ecclesiastical and political structures. It required the willing participation of lay and ecclesiastical magnates, whose support reveals a confluence of contemporary factors and motivations at play. That monasteries were increasingly seeking privileges from Rome raises important questions about their rights and authority (spiritual and judicial), and the potential disruption to established norms. Our continuing challenge lies in assessing the genuine impact of
domination. Although initiated by monks in the ecclesiastical provinces of France – and supported regionally by Frankish bishops, kings, and magnates – exemptions became increasingly mobilised as powerful social, political, and legal mechanisms of medieval papal governance. This so-called ‘victory of the papacy’ resulted when ‘a host of monasteries secured from the Curia a charter of protection and a number of liberties, which, though usually falling short of complete independence at home, had their effect in bringing to the cognisance of the papacy the affairs of almost