The Elephant Man, the Neurotic and the Doctor
Andrew Smith

Smith argues that the medical memoirs of Sir Frederick Treves can be read as a Gothic narrative. Treves failure to account for Joseph Merrick (aka ‘The Elephant Man’) in scientific terms is supplanted by an attempt to plot Merrick in relation to literary forms, such as the Gothic. Additionally, Treves uses the Gothic in order to suggest the fears of incarceration and threatened male violence felt by an apparently neurotic woman. It therefore becomes possible to read Treves‘ memoirs as a document which reveals both the particular flavour of the Gothic discourse at the end of the nineteenth century and as a critique of medical practice.

Gothic Studies
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Author: Dominic Head

In this survey, Ian McEwan emerges as one of those rare writers whose works have received both popular and critical acclaim. His novels grace the bestseller lists, and he is well regarded by critics, both as a stylist and as a serious thinker about the function and capacities of narrative fiction. McEwan's novels treat issues that are central to our times: politics, and the promotion of vested interests; male violence and the problem of gender relations; science and the limits of rationality; nature and ecology; love and innocence; and the quest for an ethical worldview. Yet he is also an economical stylist: McEwan's readers are called upon to attend, not just to the grand themes, but also to the precision of his spare writing. Although McEwan's later works are more overtly political, more humane, and more ostentatiously literary than the early work, this book uncovers the continuity as well as the sense of evolution through the oeuvre. It makes the case for McEwan's prominence—pre-eminence, even—in the canon of contemporary British novelists.

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Rosalind Crone

behaviour, the criminalisation of some previously legitimate forms of behaviour, and the improvement and professionalisation of prosecution procedures.9 Violent behaviour was more frequently brought to the attention of magistrates and county judges, but public, male-on-male violence, was almost certainly in decline. The authorities were most obviously concerned about the threat public violence posed to the preservation of law and order, especially in a climate of political unrest and growing urban populations. But their campaign was also in part inspired and greatly

in Violent Victorians
Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

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Cara Diver

). Moreover, this book suggests that the nature of male violence and female violence was inherently different. During most of the period under investigation, men maintained political, social, and economic hegemony; this superiority existed not just in the public sphere but also extended into their own homes. Women’s inferior position rendered them unable to effectively resist or escape the violence of their husbands. As a result of this power differential between husbands and wives, wife beating had markedly different meanings and implications than husband beating.12 When

in Marital violence in post-independence Ireland, 1922–96
Negotiating gender identities after the Good Friday Agreement
Theresa O’Keefe

North than a woman, due to the aggressive relationships between men, something which is more acutely pronounced due to the conflict. Two women cited pressures placed on men by hegemonic masculinity and its policing of male behaviour, predominantly in the form of male-on-male violence. As one, Heather, a married working-class woman in her early forties, explained

in Everyday life after the Irish conflict
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Catherine Cox

institutionalisation and this study has revealed that this occurred in the latter half of the nineteenth century and was only partially a result of post-Famine demographic changes. Gender was important in determining the method of certification, and greater numbers of men were certified through the petty session hearings, reflecting an increased anxiety around male violence in later nineteenth-century Ireland. Inside the asylum, gender influenced the experiences of patients and staff. For both staff and patients, life inside asylums was heavily disciplined and regimented. Female

in Negotiating insanity in the southeast of Ireland, 1820–1900
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Resistance and responses to marital violence, 1922–65
Cara Diver

spousal abuse or were trapped in broken, dysfunctional marriages. Of course, male reactions to female violence were likely as complex as (if different from) female reactions to male violence, thus there are doubtless many more reasons why so few men took legal action against their violent wives. Newspaper and court records suggest that women’s violence was often responsive or reactive. When faced with the violence of their husbands, some women defended themselves and struck back, presumably motivated by a sense of self-preservation or simply by anger. When faced with

in Marital violence in post-independence Ireland, 1922–96
From Goya’s dining room via Apocalypse Now
Jo Evans

reflect a different symbolic order. This mise en scène of men engaged in intergenerational strife and women (and ‘cowards’ like poor Manuel) who watch brings us back to Goya’s incongruous mise en scène of cyclical, male violence in the context of an intimate, but peripheral feminine gaze. At first sight, the painting of Saturn devouring his off spring opposite a portrait of the woman who was the mother

in Spanish cinema 1973–2010
The abuses of patriarchy
Katie Barclay

, which took on women’s social characteristics of weakness and passivity. Men became inherently brutal (if also sociable and capable of self-control), while women were always vulnerable.20 e threat of male violence became always present as it was ingrained in people’s conception of gender, which in turn shaped their understandings of their identity and their relationship with their spouse and the wider world.21 As the minister James Fordyce noted: ‘dread of violence’ became a natural part of the female disposition.22 Furthermore, as the threat became increasingly ‘real

in Love, intimacy and power