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studies have been conducted on Vietnam–Japan maritime security engagement. In part, that is because this engagement has only recently begun to see significant activity. Nevertheless, this chapter seeks to examine these recent developments and to derive observations on the future trajectory of the Vietnam–Japan maritime security partnership. This chapter first examines Vietnam’s approach to dealing with post-Cold War and contemporary maritime security challenges, which revolve primarily around the SCS disputes. Besides threat perception
The sea and International Relations is a path-breaking collection which opens up the conversation about the sea in International Relations (IR), and probes the value of analysing the sea in IR terms. While the world’s oceans cover more than 70 percent of its surface, the sea has largely vanished as an object of enquiry in IR, being treated either as a corollary of land or as time. Yet, the sea is the quintessential international space, and its importance to global politics has become all the more obvious in recent years. Drawing on interdisciplinary insights from IR, historical sociology, blue humanities and critical ocean studies, The sea and International Relations breaks with this trend of oceanic amnesia, and kickstarts a theoretical, conceptual and empirical discussion about the sea and IR, offering novel takes on the spatiality of world politics by highlighting theoretical puzzles, analysing broad historical perspectives and addressing contemporary challenges. In bringing the sea back into IR, The sea and International Relations reconceptualises the canvas of IR to include the oceans not only as travel time, but as a social, political, economic and military space which affects the workings of world politics. As such, The sea and International Relations is as ambitious as it is timely. Together, the contributions to the volume emphasise the pressing need to think of the world with the sea rather than ignoring it in order to address not only the ecological fate of the globe, but changing forms of international order.
constraints operating on Tokyo. Consistently with its limited objectives, Japan is likely to seek to broaden bilateral maritime security cooperation on the verge of military significance. China’s maritime rise and the erosion of the regional order With the exception of the Taiwan Straits, China has traditionally asserted its national interests primarily inward on the Asian continent. In the last decade, this has changed, as China’s two most recent presidents have publicly declared ( China Internet Information Center, 2012
to the security and stability of the space domain. The chapter will then examine space-based maritime domain awareness policies and priorities for the U.S. and propose ways in which the two maritime powers can use space to enhance maritime security. It will end with a plea for the Indian government to formalize a national space policy and/or strategy, as that will expedite strategic partnership in space between the two countries. U.S. space policies and priorities In order to truly understand the role
this context, a potential EU– Japan co-operation to maintain the broader maritime security order, ranging from joint anti-piracy operations to the strengthening of legal mechanisms for the resolution of territorial claims (Raine and Small, 2015), may be regarded as “new” opportunities. These should be built upon the already established co-operation in non-traditional security. Reaching out to each other for support now seems a matter of urgency rather than necessity. Japan seeks to diversify its strategic partners due to uncertainties associated with China’s regional
global public goods in areas such as maritime security. ( Menon, 2011 ) In the emerging global scenario there is little doubt that the US, China, Japan, India, Russia and a few other core states will continue to assert their leading roles in international politics. It is likely that in the evolution of such a power structure the six powers would tend to balance each other through a cluster of like-minded states. While realists refer to India as an ‘emerging power’ ( Cohen, 2001 ), ‘a regional power
building up the country ’s territorial defence capabilities, the Aquino administration is sinking its teeth into challenging China’s expansive claims in the South China Sea, as the latter directly encroaches into the country’s Exclusive Economic Zone. The Philippines’ territorial defence goal is very modest – to develop a credible posture for territorial defence and maritime security by organising a competent force capable of safeguarding the country’s interests and the land features it occupies in the South China Sea ( Gazmin, 2015 : 4). Despite this unpretentious
EAS for the first time in 2011 and has attended three of the four Summits since. With strong U.S. support, the EAS has become the Asia Pacific’s premier leaders-level forum on political and security issues, helping to advance a rules-based order and spur cooperation on pressing challenges, including maritime security, countering violent extremism, and transnational cyber cooperation. 6 This presidential support for a strong, more ‘results-oriented’ EAS focused on security issues also featured in Washington’s bilateral diplomacy in Asia throughout the duration of
chapter explores how maritime security resources that embody politically charged discourses such as maps, and practical security guides are carried to sea. Through global seafarer engagement, these resources frame the consciousness behind the navigation of risk through the construction of insecure spaces, which provoke exceptional practice in the pursuit of safe transit. Merchant navy seafarers engage
Abe administration was able to further ‘normalise’ its international role and military contributions to global and regional challenges, such as maritime piracy. In a press conference in February 2014, Donna Hopkins (coordinator for Counter Piracy and Maritime Security, US Department of State) stressed that ‘Japan changed its laws and created for the first time since World War II a counter-piracy based out of its own immediate regional sphere. [ … ] piracy is a great uniter because it’s a common enemy. Everybody hates pirates’ ( US Department of State, 2014