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Author: John Walter

Early modern England was marked by profound changes in economy, society, politics and religion. It is widely believed that the poverty and discontent which these changes often caused resulted in major rebellion and frequent 'riots'. This book argues for the inherently political nature of popular protest through a series of studies of acts of collective protest, up to and including the English Revolution. Authority was always the first historian of popular protest. Explaining the complex relationship between the poor and their governors, the book overviews popular attitudes to the law and the proper exercise of authority in early modern England. A detailed reconstruction of events centring on grain riots in the Essex port of Maldon in the crisis of 1629 is then presented. Urbanisation, regional specialisation and market integration were the larger changes against which disorder was directed between 1585 and 1649. The book discusses the 'four Ps', population growth, price rise, poverty and protest, explaining their connection with population explosion to poverty and protest. The major European revolts of the so-called 'Oxfordshire rising' are then analysed. Popular politics might deploy 'weapons of the weak' in a form of everyday politics that was less dramatic but more continuous than 'riot'. On the very eve of the Civil War, large crowds, with underemployed clothworkers, attacked and plundered the houses of local Catholics and proto-royalists among the nobility and gentry. In a culture that proscribed protest and prescribed obedience, public transcripts could be used to legitimise a popular political agency.

John Walter

Chapter 3 . The geography of food riots, 1585–16491 I U rbanisation, regional specialisation and market integration were the larger changes against which disorder was directed in this period. Dearth, occasioned by the recurrent crisis of harvest failure and trade depression, exposed the weak points and tensions that these changes had created. The government’s continued public endorsement of traditional economic suppositions and popular condemnation of changes in marketing practice were sources of legitimation for the crowd’s actions. Since the central

in Crowds and popular politics in early modern England
Peter Maw

miles of Manchester and, by the 1840s, the spatial limits of Manchester’s coal-supply had been pushed out to allow affordable supplies of coal from Wigan. Canals and the emergence of a national market The standard view is that canals did not contribute significantly to national market integration. It is usually argued that canals were constructed and financed by, and designed to serve the interests of, regional industrial and commercial elites. The lack of standardisation in the lengths and widths of locks hindered the emergence of national trades, a problem

in Transport and the industrial city
Social and cultural modernity beyond the nation-state
Author: Shivdeep Grewal

German philosopher Jürgen Habermas has written extensively on the European Union. This is the only in-depth account of his project. Published now in a second edition to coincide with the celebration of his ninetieth birthday, a new preface considers Habermas’s writings on the eurozone and refugee crises, populism and Brexit, and the presidency of Emmanuel Macron.

Placing an emphasis on the conception of the EU that informs Habermas’s political prescriptions, the book is divided into two main parts. The first considers the unfolding of 'social modernity' at the level of the EU. Among the subjects covered are Habermas's concept of juridification, the latter's affinities with integration theories such as neofunctionalism, and the application of Habermas's democratic theory to the EU. The second part addresses 'cultural modernity' in Europe – 'Europessimism' is argued to be a subset of the broader cultural pessimism that assailed the project of modernity in the late twentieth century, and with renewed intensity in the years since 9/11.

Interdisciplinary in approach, this book engages with European/EU studies, critical theory, political theory, international relations, intellectual history, comparative literature, and philosophy. Concise and clearly written, it will be of interest to students, scholars and professionals with an interest in these disciplines, as well as to a broader readership concerned with the future of Europe

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The European social dimension and the clash of capitalisms in a post-2004 EU
Paul Copeland

goodness-of-fit with domestic policy and there was thus limited enthusiasm for re-opening the political debate at home, while during the negotiations of the Europe 2020 poverty target, both Hungary and Slovenia did not oppose the target because it was perceived to be very flexible and thereby did not pose a threat to sovereignty in the field. At the European level, the CEE states are more sympathetic to the liberal coalition and its arguments for the promotion of market integration and free trade. Although the liberal coalition is not always able to achieve its desired

in EU enlargement, the clash of capitalisms and the European social dimension
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Angela K. Bourne

INTRODUCTION By accident and by design, the European Union (EU) has touched nationalist politics in many parts of Europe. After nationalist excesses of World War Two, the founding organisation of today’s EU, the European Coal and Steel Community, sought to make war between France and Germany ‘not merely unthinkable, but materially impossible’. The market integration policies of the European Economic Community helped break down economic and physical barriers between states, including those dividing national communities which straddled state borders. Enlargement

in The European Union and the accommodation of Basque difference in Spain
Christoph Knill and Duncan Liefferink

competition (I): effects of market integration As for the effects of the first form of regulatory competition outlined above on the design of European environmental policies, we can generally distinguish between two theoretical steps in the argument: in the first step we must enquire whether and to what extent the integration of markets changes the environmental policy interest constellations of the member states and facilitates certain adaptive responses at the national level. In a second step, we then examine the consequences of this development for the means and

in Environmental politics in the European Union
Australia, France and Sweden compared
Dominique Anxo, Marian Baird and Christine Erhel

relatively low gender disparities in labour market integration. This has not been the case for Australia and France. In Sweden, neither couple formation nor childbirth impacts on women’s employment rates, with the latter positively correlated to female labour market participation (Anxo et al., 2011). The main impact of childbirth in Sweden is therefore a combination of a period of parental leave followed by a temporary reduction of working hours to long part-time hours while children are young (preschool children) rather than a reduction of employment rate. In France

in Making work more equal
The constructions of belonging
Jamie Goodwin-White

countries with longer experiences of immigration. I hope that answering these questions will also shed light on the current and emerging contexts of integration for immigrants in Ireland. Another possibility provided by Ireland’s relatively recent immigration experience is the chance to reframe these questions in more promising ways. Specifically, Ireland offers: 1) a chance to assess labour market integration in ways that connect more directly with social/cultural integration through an emphasis on the processes of inequality; and 2) a related opportunity to pursue less

in Migrations
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Carl J. Griffin

R. Hoyle, ‘Britain’, in G. Alfani and C. Ó Gráda, eds, Famine: A European History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017), esp. pp. 141–65. On market integration see: J. Chartres, ‘Market integration and agricultural output in seventeenth-, eighteenth-, and early nineteenth-century England’, Agricultural History Review , 43:2 (1995), 117

in The politics of hunger