Recent years have witnessed a burgeoning international literature which seeks to analyse the construction of health and health policy through an analytical lens drawn from post-Foucauldian ideas of governmentality. This book is the first to apply the theoretical lens of post-Foucauldian governmentality to an analysis of health problems, practices, and policy in Ireland. Drawing on empirical examples related to childhood, obesity, mental health, smoking, ageing and others, it explores how specific health issues have been constructed as problematic and in need of intervention in the Irish State. The book focuses specifically on how Jean Jacques Rousseau's critical social theory and normative political theory meet as a conception of childhood. The 'biosocial' apparatus has recently been reconfigured through a policy framework called Healthy Ireland, the purpose of which is to 'reduce health inequalities' by 'empowering people and communities'. Child fatness continues to be framed as a pervasive and urgent issue in Irish society. In a novel departure in Irish public health promotion, the Stop the Spread (STS) campaign, free measuring tapes were distributed throughout Ireland to encourage people to measure their waists. A number of key characteristics of neoliberal governmentality, including the shift towards a market-based model of health; the distribution of power across a range of agents and agencies; and the increasing individualisation of health are discussed. One of the defining features of the Irish health system is the Universal Health Insurance and the Disability Act 2005.
neoliberal governmentality, including the shift towards a market-based model of health; the distribution of power across a range of agents and agencies of health (‘governing at a distance’); and the increasing individualisation of health, which places responsibility upon each citizen to look after his or her own health by behaving in appropriate and recommended ways. We conclude that while the decision to devolve responsibility to others may avoid claims of paternalism, an increasing focus on the individual prioritises individual agency as the means to advancing health at
. (2010:657) However, Peng and Wong rejected explanations of ‘exceptionalism’ and instead they identified two distinct variants within the East Asian welfare typology (2010:658). The first variant was the ‘inclusive social insurance model’ exemplified by Japan and the second variant was the more ‘individualistic and market-based model’ exemplified by China (Peng and Wong, 2010:658). Alternatively, Choi argued that Japan was far from being ‘a laggard welfare state’ and was well on ‘the way to crystallization’ (2007:9–16). Fukuda made a similar case that Japanese family
: while from exercising my thoughts with freedom, I seemed to acquire new strength and dignity of character. (p. 25) The ‘emancipation’ of Emma’s mind is the result of a system of self-development, characterised by methodical, selective reading, far removed from the superficial practices endorsed by the Lady’s Magazine. Hays demonstrates how, through disciplined reading, 38 Imagining women readers women can achieve the status of free and rational subjects, divorced from the contingencies of the market-based model of identity that she bemoans in ‘On the Influence of
Newspapers, magazines and pamphlets have always been central, almost sacred, forms of communication within Irish republican political culture. While social media is becoming the primary ideological battleground in many democracies, Irish republicanism steadfastly expresses itself in the traditional forms of activist journalism.
Shinners, Dissos and Dissenters is a long-term analysis of the development of Irish republican activist media since 1998 and the tumultuous years following the end of the Troubles. It is the first in-depth analysis of the newspapers, magazines and online spaces in which the differing strands of Irish republicanism developed and were articulated during a period where schism and dissent defined a return to violence.
Based on an analysis of Irish republican media outlets as well as interviews with the key activists that produced them, this book provides a compelling long-term snapshot of a political ideology in transition. It reveals how Irish Republicanism was moulded by the twin forces of the Northern Ireland Peace Process and the violent internal ideological schism that threatened a return to the ‘bad old days’ of the Troubles.
This book is vital for those studying Irish politics and those interestedin activism as it provides new insights into the role that modern activist media forms have played in the ideological development of a 200-year-old political tradition.
choice as to where they were admitted, but ‘Patients who are frightened, at their most vulnerable and in pain should be able to feel confident about the quality of care they can expect to receive in any NHS hospital [original emphasis].’25 For other groups, it was the nature of choices being offered, and the market-based model in which such choices were to operate, that was problematic. West Essex and District CHC passed a resolution in 1989 expressing concern about what it saw as an ‘over emphasis on the market place philosophy’ within Working for Patients, and the
included within the EU’s 10-year strategy, Europe 2020, which was adopted in June 2010 – ‘An agenda for new skills and jobs and the European platform against poverty and social exclusion’. While much of Europe 2020 was given a wary reception by those seeking a more substantive ‘social Europe’, on the grounds that for many it consolidated a model focused solely on a market-based model of growth, the inclusion of the two social initiatives did at least represent a formal reincorporation of headline social targets following their removal from EU economic strategy in the
policy making was by participating in centre-right coalitions alongside Berlusconi's FI. More specifically, in Lombardy and Veneto the LN played an active role in the development of region-specific social and healthcare policies. 11 For instance, in Lombardy the centre-right ruling coalition promoted a market-based model of healthcare which diverged considerably from that of other Italian regions, with crucial support from the LN. Indeed, the powerful position of the assessore alla sanità (the regional health
three health documents – Shaping a Healthier Future (DoH, 1994), Quality and Fairness – A Health Service for You (DoHC, 2001), and Healthy Ireland (DoH, 2013) – they note the increasing shift to a market-based model of healthcare, and of the role of the state as one amongst many actors in the health policy arena. Health policymaking in Ireland, as they argue, has become an increasingly technocratic process, and their analysis raises significant questions about the implications of neoliberal modes of government in the context of the three documents’ acknowledgement of
personal accounts of his earlier self. In a 2006 New Statesman interview he stated: ‘When I was at college … We didn't have to ask the question of whether we should adopt a globally integrated, market-based model.’ 15 His autobiography talks of the need to embrace ‘globalisation and the dynamic market economy’. 16 He sounded very much the cosmopolitan when we talked about his experiences and economic influences. All this fed into New Labour economic thinking, aimed at