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How Can Humanitarian Analysis, Early Warning and Response Be Improved?
Aditya Sarkar, Benjamin J. Spatz, Alex de Waal, Christopher Newton, and Daniel Maxwell

, spending and ‘entrepreneurship’ . The third relates to the broader predatory political economies which create the structural conditions for the onset and intensification of mass starvation and act as the basis for the marketisation of politics. The underlying point is this: it is the combination of PM dynamics and war which is crucial to the genesis of extreme food insecurity or famine even though there are no straightforward predictive links

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Editor’s Introduction
Juliano Fiori

Society’: marketisation is followed by popular attempts to secure greater social protection ( Polanyi, 1957 ). 4 Contrary to cosmopolitan hopes and expectations, globalisation itself has wrenched forth the forces of nationalism. Bibliography Anand , S. and Segal , P. ( 2014 ), ‘ The Global Distribution of Income ’, in Atkinson , A. and Bourguignon , F. (eds), Handbook of Income Distribution , Volume 2A ( Amsterdam : North-Holland ), pp. 937 – 79

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Reclaiming social enterprise from its neoliberal turn

Social enterprise and third sector activity have mushroomed into a prolific area of academic research and discourse over the past 20 years, with many claiming their origins rooted in Blair, New Labour and Giddens’ ‘Third Way’. But many academic contributions lack experience of policy implementation and do not access the wealth of grey, legacy and public policy literature from earlier periods which supports different interpretations. Since most make few references to developments during the 1970s and 1980s, their narrow focus on New Labour from 1997 onwards not only neglects real antecedents, but miscasts the role of social enterprise.

Adopting a Critical Realist approach, the author had access to previously unused hardcopy documents from archives and collections and interviewed key players and key actors between 1998 and 2002, when major social enterprise and third sector policy changes occurred.

During a key political period from 1998 to 2002, Blair’s New Labour governments forced through a major conceptual shift for social enterprise, co-operative and third sector activity. Many structures, formed as community responses to massive deindustrialisation in the 1970s and 1980s, were repositioned to bid against the private sector to obtain contracts for delivery of low-cost public services.

Other UK academic contributions draw parallels with North American individual social entrepreneurs or rely excessively on interpretations from L’Emergence de l’Entreprise Sociale en Europe (EMES) Research Network, which prioritises a marketised version of “work integration social enterprises” (WISEs).

So the restoration of political and economic democracy has been denied to many local communities.

Abstract only
Nanna Mik-Meyer

welfare workers (Goffman 1983: 14–15). Today, the issue still carries great importance; especially when recognising that different concepts and norms bring different identifications of the individual and the relationship into play. This chapter consequently focuses on market values and takes a closer look at how service and other ideals affect the encounter between citizens and welfare workers. The chapter begins by introducing the market context and its inherent principles, followed by a discussion of how the marketisation of public administration lays the groundwork

in The power of citizens and professionals in welfare encounters
Leslie Huckfield

to organisations that fall under different, but often overlapping and well-known, categories − namely those of voluntary and community organisations, charities, social enterprises, co-operatives and mutuals ( Westall 2009 , 3, 9). Marketisation Conservative governments’ policies for 1980s’ marketisation of public service delivery and the

in How Blair killed the co-ops
Nanna Mik-Meyer

is introduced, namely, the discussions of new professionalism (Duyvendak et al. 2006; Evetts 2011; Speed and Gabe 2013), re-professionalisation (Duyvendak et al. 2006) and de-­professionalisation and how these characteristics may be regarded as inextricable consequences of the strong current influence of marketisation and managerialism on welfare work (Rogowski 2010). With particular reference to social work, Rogowski (2010: 111; see also Duyvendak et al. 2006) argues that the current emphasis on users as experts and user empowerment can be regarded as an attack on

in The power of citizens and professionals in welfare encounters
Modernisation abandoned
Peter Dorey

inherently superior. Consequently, the most notable feature of the Conservatives’ pursuit of public sector reform from 2010 was the renewed commitment to ‘marketisation’, either in the guise of further embedding the principles and practices of the private sector into such services as education and health, or by encouraging and enabling ‘independent’ (invariably private) providers to become directly involved in service provision and delivery. Initially at least, many senior Liberal Democrats were content to accede to such reforms, reflecting the strong influence of the

in David Cameron and Conservative renewal
Hugh Atkinson

the concomitant development of social capital. The empowerment agenda, 118 Local democracy, civic engagement and community notwithstanding its limitations and contradictions (see Chapter 3), was framed in terms that sought to develop such potential. I will now analyse the extent to which such potential was realised by focusing on three important policy areas: crime and community safety; privatisation, marketisation and the choice agenda; and finally the emerging concept of the ‘big society’ and localism. Crime and community safety Involvement by local people in

in Local democracy, civic engagement and community
Abstract only
Contestation, care and the ‘temper of the country’
Gideon Calder

’ responsibilities, for which it is the ‘chosenness’ of a relationship that generates obligations) but more emphatically still in the rhetoric of marketisation. Here, choice takes on an iconic, a priori status, and stands for much more than the making of meaningful decisions. Marquand depicts it as ‘a reified “Choice” with a capital “C”, which has little to do with the mundane choices of real-world parents, or patients or students’ (Marquand, 2013: 122). It is both an emblem of, and a vehicle for, the extension of the market society, and fundamental to ‘a public doctrine that

in Making social democrats
A blessing or a curse for the employment of female university graduates?
Fang Lee Cooke

Union (see Grimshaw and Rubery, 2015; Rubery, 2013). By contrast, while a significant level of gender equality in employment in China has been achieved during the state-planned economy period, measured by the extent of women’s participation in full-time employment and the relatively small gender pay gap (Gustafsson and Li, 2000; Nie et al., 2002), gender discrimination has increased substantially as a result of the deepening marketisation of the economy since the 1980s in China (Cooke, 2012). In particular, labour market discrimination against women of childbearing

in Making work more equal