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Helen Pallett

The rise of the internet, and social media in particular, has been hailed as the ultimate embodiment of the long-promised ‘marketplace of ideas’; an enduring metaphor which has been used as a foundation for interpreting the right of freedom of expression, particularly in the US context. This metaphor has been a seductive one in Western politics, implying the free exchange of views and information between equals in order to reach higher truths. Creating an analogy with the free market trade in goods and services, the metaphor has been applied to diverse domains

in The free speech wars
How did we get here and why does it matter?

This book asks who gets to exercise free speech and who does not, and examines what happens when powerful voices think they have been silenced. It asks how the spaces and structures of 'speech' – mass media, the lecture theatre, the public event, the political rally and perhaps most frequently the internet – shape this debate. It explores the long histories of this contemporary moment, to think about how acts such as censorship, boycotts and protests around free speech developed historically and how these histories inform the present. The book first explores two opposing sides in this debate: starting with a defence of speech freedoms and examining how speech has been curbed and controlled, and countering this with an examination of the way that free speech has been weaponised and deployed as a bad faith argument by people wishing to commit harm. It then considers two key battlefields in the free speech wars: first, the university campus and secondly, the internet. This book is the first to explore this moment in the free speech wars. It hopes to equip readers to navigate this complex, highly charged topic: rather than taking a side in the debate, it encourages the reader to be suspicious – or at least sceptical – of the way that this topic is being framed and articulated in the media today. The free speech wars should act as context, provocation, stimulation and – hopefully – a route through this conflict.

Samuel Bailey and the nineteenth-century theory of free speech
Greg Conti

; of the involuntariness of belief; and of the marketplace of ideas. SOCIAL INTOLERANCE The aforementioned facts about the notice which the Mills and their milieu took of Bailey are not mere curiosities of reception history. They are 212 INGRAM 9781526147103 PRINT.indd 212 12/03/2020 11:37 Before – and beyond – On Liberty  theoretically significant because the Formation and Publication is astonishingly similar to On Liberty.12 For one thing, Bailey articulates nearly the full range of arguments to which Mill would appeal in showing the benefits of free

in Freedom of speech, 1500–1850
Victoria Stiles

This chapter draws on research focusing on the less spectacular, more subtle methods of control over the book market which were exercised by institutions operating within Nazi Germany. The aim is not to undermine the utility of this particular historical context as an example in free speech debates, but to widen the scope for more nuanced comparisons. Due to the number of institutions involved, the complexity of the market for new and second-hand books in Germany, and the need to preserve the impression of intellectual and consumer freedom, top-down methods of censorship could not have been expected to have a transformative effect on German reading habits. These could only work alongside methods to create more discerning readers, who, it was hoped, would assemble home libraries of ‘recommended’ material and could be trained to approach unsanctioned voices in a distanced and critical manner. Various contextualising mechanisms arose within new writing and marketing material, while the pre-existing filtering processes of publishers, booksellers and regulators became rapidly coordinated; whether this took place through deliberate collusion or semi-independently, the censorious effects were profound. These filtering and contextualisation processes – and the appeals to intellectual rigour and bias-correction that accompanied them – have clear parallels with modern-day concerns around how audiences are guided towards ‘related’ material by content providers, how ‘outsider’ voices can be packaged in a way that strips them of their cultural and intellectual capital, and how certain perspectives can be consistently excluded from the ‘marketplace of ideas’ even when no centralised control is being exercised.

in The free speech wars
Thomas A. Prendergast and Stephanie Trigg

, The Marketplace of Ideas , p. 105. 21 Dinshaw, How Soon Is Now? , p. ix. 22 Prendergast and Trigg, ‘What is happening to the Middle Ages?’, pp. 215

in Affective medievalism
Jordan Peterson, the alt-right and neo-fascism
Ben Whitham

liberal conscience but, as Dawn Foster notes, political centrists are convinced that ‘a smart liberal with a propensity for misquoting Voltaire can destroy their worldview’. 5 The ‘argument for platforming and debating fascists’, she suggests, rests upon ‘the flawed assumption that, when challenged, their arguments will fall to pieces’. According to the (neo)liberal creed, fascism will be cold product in the ‘marketplace of ideas’, and so lack of demand will eventually kill off supply. 6 Foster highlights the role of elite educational culture in producing this view

in The free speech wars
The past, present and future of Speakers’ Corner
Edward Packard

fresh attempt to crush the industrious classes’. 14 Later that year, in possibly the earliest recorded example of a Speakers’ Corner-style marketplace of ideas in Hyde Park, several thousand people listened to a number of orators scattered around the park as part of a series of Sunday meetings protesting bread prices. According to The Times , one man described proceedings as a ‘Jackdaw’s parliament’. The newspaper suggested that ‘everybody tried to talk and nobody listened, because in point of fact, nobody had anything to say worth listening to’. 15 Disorderly

in The free speech wars
Abstract only
Tim Aistrope

freedom agenda. This agenda offers empowerment as an alternative to enslavement. It offers participation in place of exclusion. It offers the marketplace of ideas to counter the dark world of conspiracy theory. It offers individual rights and human dignity instead of violence and murder. Fundamentally, it means people participating in

in Conspiracy theory and American foreign policy
Open Access (free)
Ian Scott and Henry Thompson

on the era’s most highly politicised subject –​the NSA whistle-​blower Edward Snowden –​was an obvious decision for someone who had been raising the issue of unwarranted state surveillance since soon after  9/​11. As this new outlook has evolved, Stone has succeeded in neutralising some of the negative aspects of his earlier bête noire reputation, replacing it with an establishment figure and talk-​show alter ego that has at least as much interest in ‘the marketplace of ideas’ as it has in referencing and marketing his films. At times, that alter ego has shown

in The cinema of Oliver Stone
Abstract only
Policymaking and intelligence on Iraq
James P. Pfiffner and Mark Phythian

Foreign Office on the legality of the war was ignored.” Ibid. 8 On this, see Chaim Kaufmann, “Threat Inflation and the Failure of the Marketplace of Ideas: The Selling of the Iraq War,” International Security , Vol.29, No.1, Summer 2004, pp. 5–48. 9 Shane and Mazzetti

in Intelligence and national security policymaking on Iraq