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The usual caveats need to be dispensed before we consider the membership strength of Britain’s interwar fascist parties, and other areas of related interest such as the social-class and occupational profiles of fascist ‘joiners’. The main problem concerns the paucity of documentary evidence and other forms of contemporary written material relating to these matters. To compound the issue of scarcity, there are often marked variations in the quality of the information emanating from the sources that do exist. Reliable material on the membership in the official
powers, may either control its creators or be controlled by them. The norm is somewhere in between these two extremes, although the fact that states control the world’s military and economic capability means that the norm is often closer to member states being in control. IGOs remain practically and politically dependent upon member states, although they are normally legally independent. Membership of IGOs is dominated by states, and many of the legal issues revolve around the question as to whether an applicant meets the basic criteria of statehood, or whether it has
economic and social factors, and the lack of a complete incorporation of political developments into the national strategy thesis. 15 Importantly, however, Milward shifted the historiography away from the question of whether Britain should have opted for participation in the European integration project earlier than it transpired. 16 Milward also sought to explain how the failure of the national strategy eventually produced the decision to seek EEC membership in the 1960s. For Milward, it was ‘the effort to preserve the United Kingdom’s political and economic links
7 The evolving Conservative Party membership Tim Bale and Paul Webb Much of the writing on the so-called modernisation of the Conservative Party since 2005 has focused on life at the top (Hayton, 2015). In as much as the grass roots are mentioned, they tend either to be objects – ‘done to’ rather than doing – or else obstacles – a shapeless or stereotyped mass who have occasionally made life awkward for the Conservative leadership, first, by resisting their efforts to change the party’s procedures and policies and, second, by supposedly clinging to attitudes
and right of the party and created severe long-term problems for Prime Minister Wilson. The holding of a referendum in June 1975 on Britain's continued membership of the European Community was in itself a victory for the anti-Marketeers. This was a very short-lived success, however, as the electorate voted by seventeen million to eight million in favour of membership, the outcome of which was a major defeat for the anti-European cause. The referendum to determine whether Britain stayed in or came out of the Common Market was crucial in more
Introduction In his illuminating essay Rainer Bauböck advances a comprehensive approach to the question of how to determine membership of a democratic political community, that takes into account alternative theoretical principles, a variety of kinds of contemporary membership claims, and the complexities of current multiple levels of political structures. He identifies his all citizen stakeholders
5 Dramas of statecraft, mistrust and the politics of non-membership Failed promises Diplomacy and lobbying are often considered to require mutual trust and common understanding, because these underpin effective communication (Coen 1998, 2007; Woll 2012). Turkish–EU relations, however, are marked precisely by an absence of mutual trust between officials, economic actors and interest representatives on both sides. As relations were marked by mutual suspicion, mistrust and wariness on both sides, Turkish actors engaged in a curious politics of non-membership in
This book provides a comprehensive analysis of the opponents of Britain's first attempt to join the European Economic Community (EEC) between the announcement of Harold Macmillan's new policy initiative in July 1961 and General de Gaulle's veto of Britain's application for membership in January 1963. In particular, it examines the role of national identity in shaping both the formulation and articulation of arguments put forward by these opponents of Britain's policy. To date, studies of Britain's unsuccessful bid for entry have focused on high political analysis of diplomacy and policy formulation. In most accounts, only passing reference is made to domestic opposition. This book redresses the balance, providing a complete depiction of the opposition movement and a distinctive approach that proceeds from a ‘low-political’ viewpoint. As such, it emphasizes protest and populism of the kind exercised by, among others, Fleet Street crusaders at the Daily Express, pressure groups such as the Anti-Common Market League and Forward Britain Movement, expert pundits like A.J.P. Taylor, Sir Arthur Bryant and William Pickles, as well as constituency activists, independent parliamentary candidates, pamphleteers, letter writers and maverick MPs. In its consideration of a group largely overlooked in previous accounts, the book provides essential insights into the intellectual, structural, populist and nationalist dimensions of early Euroscepticism.
( Figure 1 ). 6 Under this regime, membership of the party seemed to take precedence over Syrian identity and especially over the interests of the local population. According to local sources, the real political and military leaders were the non-elected executives of the PKK. All the posters on the roadsides and buildings, official or not, made constant reference to the PKK’s leader imprisoned in Turkey. The few Syrians who dared to question the system