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Migrating borders and moving times explores how crossing borders entails shifting time as well as changing geographical location. Space has long dominated the field of border studies, a prominence which the recent ‘spatial turn’ in social science has reinforced. This book challenges the classic analytical pre-eminence of ‘space’ by focusing on how ‘border time’ is shaped by, shapes and constitutes the borders themselves.
Using original field data from Israel, northern Europe and Europe's south-eastern borders (Kosovo, Albania, Montenegro, Sarajevo, Lesbos), our contributors explore ‘everyday forms of border temporality’ – the ways in which people through their temporal practices manage, shape, represent and constitute the borders across which they move or at which they are made to halt. In these accounts, which are based on fine-tuned ethnographic research sensitive to historical depth and wider political-economic context and transformation, ‘moving’ is understood not only as mobility but as affect, where borders become not just something to be ‘crossed’ but something that is emotionally experienced and ‘felt’.
, construction labourer, W1). As formal recruitment channels were of less relevance for these jobs, migrants often relied upon ‘word of mouth’ and personal contacts, confirming previous research on the importance of migrant networks in finding employment (Anderson et al., 2006; Waldinger and Lichter, 2003): ‘My cousin was here … He was the assistant of an architect on that building site, he knew all the bigger bosses so he asked and he turned me in’ (Bogdan, painter, W1). In fact, these networks can work both ways as employers often rely upon the recommendations of their
American Ethnic History , 12:1 (1992), p. 28. 21 Don Handelman, ‘The organization of ethnicity’, Ethnic Groups , 1 (1977), pp. 187–200. 22 Angela McCarthy (ed.), A Global Clan: Scottish Migrant Networks and
warning that the idea of formal migrant networks should not become a new orthodoxy and his evidence of mid-nineteenth-century un-networked ‘colonial isolates’ like Farquhar Mackenzie or John McKinlay in New South Wales, the book’s general perspectives are welcome. 101 In its emphasis on the diversity of migrant identity and the capacity of this to change as migrant networks evolved, A Global Clan
for newer alliances and collective identities is one that has potential for unions to mobilise for future influence. Arguably, coalition-building would be vital around specific issues, and overarching principles, and is a function that trade unions are well versed in given their longevity of governance structures and democratic accountability. There could be alliances between types of trade unions ; for example, large traditional trade unions working alongside smaller flexible unions linked to migrant networks, issues of climate change and homelessness, or
following description, which can serve as our starting point: ‘Migrant networks can be defined as sets of interpersonal ties that connect migrants, former migrants and non-migrants in origin and destination areas through bonds of kinship, friendship, and shared community origin … Migrant networks tend to decrease the economic, social and psychological costs of migration’ partly because people have already
Sakala, Kamoza Chiumia and Landwell Jere. 129 Medicinal roots, herbs and leaves would be pounded or ground down in order to make them easier to carry, and these powders could then be mixed with foodstuffs or liquid when taken. 130 As migrant networks between colonial Malawi, Zimbabwe, Zambia and South Africa became more established, ‘Nyasa’ healers could also be found in
Migrant Networks and Identities Since the Eighteenth Century (London and New York: Tauris Academic Studies, 2006) and for Irish networks see the articles in Immigrants and Minorities, 23:2–3 (2005). 156 Personal narratives of Irish and Scottish migration This was especially important, for settlers frequently provided intending migrants at home with impressions, positive and negative, of their new homeland. As Ann Crutchley of Belfast best explained it, ‘My family had followed us here … I think I had written such glowing accounts of New Zealand’.3 It is not known
Commonwealth History , Vol. 41, issue 3 (2013), pp. 475–495; Angela McCarthy (ed.), A Global Clan: Scottish Migrant Networks and Identities since the Eighteenth Century (London, 2006). 34 Bryan Glass, The Scottish Nation at Empire’s End (Basingstoke and New
undertaken, this essentially remains a contribution by a European historian working with overwhelmingly written sources. 19 However, consideration of the limiting, as well as enabling, nature of networks allows us to see something not only of the extent to which the interconnected imperial, religious, medical and migrant networks of the Malawi region tended to favour Protestant men but also of the wider