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What does expatriate mean? Who gets described as an expatriate rather than a migrant? And why do such distinctions matter? Following the expatriate explores these questions by tracing the postcolonial genealogy of the category expatriate from mid-twentieth-century decolonisation to current debates about migration, and examining the current stakes of debates about expatriates. As the book shows, the question of who is an expatriate was as hotly debated in 1961 as it is today. Back then, as now, it was entangled in the racialised, classed and gendered politics of migration and mobility. Combining ethnographic and historical research, the book discusses uses of the expatriate across academic literature, corporate management and international development practice, personal memory projects, and urban diaspora spaces in The Hague and Nairobi. It tells situated stories about the category’s making and remaking, its contestation and the lived experience of those labelled expatriate. By attending to racialised, gendered and classed struggles over who is an expatriate, the book shows that migration categories are at the heart of how intersecting material and symbolic social inequalities are enacted today. Any project for social justice thus needs to dissect and dismantle categories like the expatriate, and the book offers innovative analytical and methodological strategies to advance this project.
institutionalised inequalities of mobility regimes that often work by logics other than the meritocratic ones professed. Migration categories carry these tensions. They are not technical or neutral but historically produced by and productive of broader power formations. After all, fundamental to the differential treatment of people is their divisioning in such a way that their differential treatment can be justified. Historical inequalities are encapsulated in the potent if not uncontested conceptual disambiguation of the expatriate from its various local and migrant Others in
social changes and shifting power geometries. If migration categories are socially produced and productive, then following the expatriate is a fruitful research strategy to explore not only the category itself but also the social processes it intervenes in, to appreciate the social histories the term condenses and its political mobilisation and effects. Thus, following the expatriate allows an investigation of both the category itself and its role in the postcolonial politics of migration and mobility. The book does so in two parts
With race as a central theme, this book presents racial stratification as the underlying system which accounts for the difference in outcomes of Whites and Blacks in the labour market. Critical race theory (CRT) is employed to discuss the operation, research, maintenance and impact of racial stratification. The power of this book is the innovative use of a stratification framework to expose the pervasiveness of racial inequality in the labour market. It teaches readers how to use CRT to investigate the racial hierarchy and it provides a replicable framework to identify the racial order based on insight from the Irish case. There is a four-stage framework in the book which helps readers understand how migrants navigate the labour market from the point of migration to labour participation. The book also highlights minority agency and how migrants respond to their marginality. The examples of how social acceptance can be applied in managing difference in the workplace are an added bonus for those interested in diversity and inclusion. This book is the first of its kind in Ireland and across Europe to present inequality, racism and discrimination in the labour market from a racial stratification perspective. While this book is based on Irish data, the CRT theoretical approach, as well as its insight into migrant perspectives, poses a strong appeal to scholars of sociology, social justice, politics, intercultural communication and economics with interest in race and ethnicity, critical whiteness and migration. It is a timely contribution to CRT which offers scholars a method to conduct empirical study of racial stratification across different countries bypassing the over-reliance on secondary data. It will also appeal to countries and scholars examining causal racism and how it shapes racial inequality.
postcolonial present still requires multilayered decolonisation for an anti-colonial future. Recognising the productive differences and debates between these approaches, in this book I thus employ both postcolonial and decolonial approaches, alongside anti-colonial scholarship and critiques of (neo)imperialism, as ultimately aligned analytical and methodological tools that can help us ‘decolonise’ migration and thinking on migration. Another crucial intellectual resource in thinking about the expatriate and the making of migration (categories) today is
more impartial term with allowance for voluntary movement’. Do you think people share the same experiences of migration? How does the exhibition represent the diversity of migration categories? Massimiliano Gioni: T.J. Demos’s Migrant Image was foundational for the exhibition, and for my thinking on media art, even before I started actually working on the show. One of his arguments is that some contemporary artists are creating images that are opaque or oblique, partial or personal – and that by doing so they problematise the hyper-visibility of the media, which
–101 . Kunz , S. ( 2019 ). Expatriate, migrant? The social life of migration categories and the polyvalent mobility of race . Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies , 46 ( 11 ), 2145–62 . Leonard , P. , and Walsh , K. , eds ( 2018 ). British Migration: Privilege, Diversity and Vulnerability . Abingdon : Routledge . Mezzadra , S
participants are afraid of migration, believing media stories of the effect on the benefit bill, for example. Misha (in her thirties) and Shelley (in her fifties), despite themselves saying in places that migration is a strain on the benefits bill, identify older people as being in this ‘anti-migration’ category. Shelley : Yes, definitely. I totally agree with that, that’s why I’m on about, that’s why a lot of people … voted to get out, like the older generation [my italics] . Misha : It’s fear! … [they think migrants] get about twenty grand when
degree than the others. ‘I gave my life to Jesus in the year 1986,’ the pastor told us. And when he described his journey to Ireland he did so without any reference to governmental migration categories, processes or ‘status’; rather, Pastor Femi related his experiences through l’état de religion – the invisible empire of global Pentecostalism and the route-ways thereof. ‘That’s one thing about knowing Jesus and Pentecostalism: anywhere you go you carry Jesus with you and you say, “Oh no I am not in Nigeria but I am in Ireland.” So you go carry the Lord because there is
Migration category may therefore relate to other selection factors, discussed in more detail below. Non-recognition of care work and emotional labour An important factor in both countries is which occupations are excluded from the occupational lists. As discussed in the previous chapter, the gender critique follows that the statutory restriction of skilled immigration to certain occupational Targeting skills during the global financial crisis 123 skill levels excludes the majority of emotional labouring occupations in which women predominate. For instance, no care