This book is a tribute to Enzo Mingione and his contribution to the fields of sociology and urban studies on the occasion of his retirement. It touches upon the processes of transformation of cities to the informal economy, from the Fordist crisis to the rediscovery of poverty, from the welfare state and welfare policies to migration and the transformation of work. These themes constitute the analytical building blocks of this book on the transitions that Western capitalist societies are undergoing. The book focuses on social foundations of Western capitalism, explaining how socio-economic and institutional complementarities that characterised postwar capitalism created relatively integrated socio-economic regimes, It has five thematic sections reflecting five areas of capitalism, the search interests of Enzo Mingione. The first discusses the transformations of global capitalism, addressing how capitalism works and how it changes. The second provides insights into the mechanisms of re-embedding, in particular how welfare policies are part of a societal reaction to capitalism's disruptive dynamic. The third addresses some main challenges that citizenship systems established in the post-war period have had to face, from the spread of new employment regimes to new migratory flows. The fourth addresses cities and their transformation and the final section addresses poverty and its spatial dimension as a crucial lens through which to understand the differentiated impact of the processes of change in Western capitalist societies, both in socio-economic and spatial terms.
into the formal labour market, repeating a global pattern that is also persistent in other migratory flows. The project was developed at the Reference Center for Migrants and Refugees at the Federal University of Roraima (UFRR), in the framework of the programme ‘Portuguese as a Reception Language’, which provided a technology lab equipped with twenty computers with internet access and a children’s room to receive the children of the project participants. The institutions
. The Isle of Man provides relatively straightforward conditions in which to examine the operations of migratory flows in a context which remained primarily rural, with some mining and fishing as secondary factors. Manx people were well connected with the sea-routes and possessed a strong tradition of seafaring and maritime enterprise. Emigration from the Island had a long history, but swelled most significantly in the 1820s, the moment when Thomas Kelly migrated to Ohio. The people involved during that transformative decade – the emigrants – bore their own witness to
movement within this broad region, as well as long-distance emigration to the Americans, Europe, and sub-Saharan Africa. It is also marked by waves of immigration into the region from Europe. The postcolonial period, from the late 1940s until the late 1960s, coincides with the rise of Arab nationalism, as cross-border population mobility is driven mainly by political, rather than economic, factors. The oil boom period, from the late 1960s until the early 1980s, is dominated by economically driven cross-border migratory flows, although national and regional politics
(Labor Force Survey) administered by the Instituto Nacional de Estadística (National Statistics Institute or INE) give us a rough idea of this robust and evolving population. The magnitude of migratory flows between Morocco and Spain are not necessarily surprising given their geographic proximity, close historical ties, and Spain's colonial presence in North Africa. However, these same factors make for a complex web of cultural relations, which spans the Strait of Gibraltar, and that is reflected in the interplay of languages and literatures between the two countries
Chapter 4 focuses on the final component of the habitus triad: habits. The central premise of the chapter is that examining habits provides insights into individuated and community belonging, migratory emplacement, transnational cultural capital flows and attachment to and/or detachment from France. It sheds light on the broader ideological implications of everyday habits, particularly eating, drinking and healthcare, revealing hidden hegemonies and gendered/sexualised discrimination. Evolving dining habits and an embodiment of cosmopolitanism are demonstrated through participants’ openness to London’s multicultural cuisines. Similarly, their frequenting of English restaurants functions as a strategic emplacement method and an agentive means of performing belonging. A circular intercultural exchange is also discussed, with migratory flows leading to the adoption of British culinary habits in France just as London-French residents’ palates and cooking practices adapt to ‘host’ tastes – within limits. For, in accordance with the limitations of habitus transformation, their home-dining rituals remain fundamentally embedded in French culture, which again implicitly interconnects the migrants through a shared praxial repertoire, while disconnecting them from (perceived) postmigration customs. Drinking habits also set the migrants apart. They apprehend local drinking practices as excessive and vulgar, particularly regarding women. This gendered disparagement and culturally distinctive restraint marginalises them within the diasporic social space, while re-enacting local histories. The final section is dedicated to participants’ therapeutic habits, which are revealed to be increasingly demedicalised in London, where they enjoy the more human, less technical approach to healthcare and are critical of the chronic patriarchal hegemonies and endemic overmedicalisation experienced in France.
-called ‘Arab Springs’ and their aftermath first challenged and eventually destabilised this framework. In particular, uncertain political transitions and the violent conflicts that flared up in Syria and Libya resulted in increased border porosity and large displacement numbers. The EU became a target for mixed migratory flows on an unprecedented scale: the peak was reached in 2015, when more than one million
migrant and multicultural peoples face in postcolonial French society. It is important to remember that, as Alec Hargreaves explains: The French language was implanted on the southern and eastern shores of the Mediterranean largely under the aegis of French colonial domination there. The more recent emergence within France of Arabic- and Tamazight-speaking minorities originating across the Mediterranean is in turn grounded in migratory flows largely consequent upon economic disparities and migratory opportunities regulated by the colonial system and its aftermath. (2009
maintained their traditional place as top destination countries, Italy, Greece, Portugal and Spain, which until relatively recently exported populations or which acted as transit countries, have become important destinations for refugee migrants on account of operating more flexible asylum regimes in the 1980s and 1990s. Migration context 2: feminisation of migration Women already accounted for 42 per cent of migratory flows worldwide in 1960.That proportion reached 49.6 per cent in 2005 (IOM 2008) and today female migration exceeds male migration in all regions of the
-wing social democrats after 9/11 (see 92 E Goodhart, 2004), stating that migratory flows were inimical to social cohesion. Centrists, social partners and institutional personnel With the exception of staff from the Council Legal Service (CLS), the centrists, social partners and institutional personnel19 who were interviewed also conveyed an impression of the EU evocative of the siege model. Perceptions of the democratic deficit varied. In relation to Social Europe, something like Leibfried and Pierson’s (1995abc, 2000) moderate neofunctionalist model