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After many years at the margins of historical investigation, the late medieval English gentry are widely regarded as an important and worthy subject for academic research. This book aims to explore the culture of the wide range of people whom we might include within the late medieval gentry, taking in all of landed society below the peerage, from knights down to gentlemen, and including those aspirants to gentility who might under traditional socio-economic terms be excluded from the group. It begins by exploring the origins of, and influences on, the culture of the late medieval gentry, thus contributing to the ongoing debate on defining the membership of this group. The book considers the gentry's emergence as a group distinct from the nobility, and looks at the various available routes to gentility. Through surveys of the gentry's military background, administrative and political roles, social behaviour, and education, it seeks to provide an overview of how the group's culture evolved, and how it was disseminated. The book offers a broad view of late medieval gentry culture, which explores, reassesses and indeed sometimes even challenges the idea that members of the gentry cultivated their own distinctive cultural identity. The evolution of the gentleman as a peer-assessed phenomenon, gentlemanly behaviour within the chivalric tradition, the education received by gentle children, and the surviving gentry correspondence are also discussed. Although the Church had an ambivalent attitude toward artistic expression, much of the gentry's involvement with the visual arts was religious in focus.

Raluca Radulescu and Alison Truelove

of, and influences on, the culture of the late medieval gentry, thus contributing to the ongoing debate on defining the membership of this group. It considers the gentry’s emergence as a group distinct from the nobility, and looks at the various available routes to gentility. Through surveys of the gentry’s military background, administrative and political roles, social behaviour, and education, it

in Gentry culture in late-medieval England
Power, ritual and knowledge
Christopher Prior

This chapter assesses the changing bedrock upon which officials’ sense of confidence in their ability to govern African societies rested. A desire for knowledge was not an inherent product of the colonial encounter, but the result of a particular metropolitan mentality. Officials from military backgrounds were more inclined to rely upon force and the use of prestige, and more at ease with their not knowing everything about those they governed, than civilian officials. For officials from civilian backgrounds, the process of collecting information about Africa meant that imperial authority increasingly rested on real power, rather than symbolic power. This underpinned the confidence that meant civilian officials accepted the post-1918 expansion of the imperial remit more readily. There were distinct limits as to how far experiences of the continent were able to re-shape officials’ attitudes towards imperial confidence.

in Exporting empire
Jenny McMahon

incidents with bombs going off, bomb hoaxes, strikes with the railways, and the trains were often delayed for various reasons. It got to the point where I didn’t feel safe travelling by train, so I decided to look for another job nearer home. I successfully applied for and accepted the role of physiotherapist at the Defence Medical Rehabilitation Centre at Headley Court. I think my military background helped to secure the job. I commenced my new role in 1996, and completed thirteen years. I was heavily involved in the physiotherapy treatment of our young lads and lasses

in The Northern Ireland Troubles in Britain
Abstract only
MI5 in the making
Charmian Brinson and Richard Dove

, Kell’s immediate superior was the Secretary of State for War. Throughout these early years, the quasi-military ethos of MI5 was pervasive, most of its recruits coming, like Vernon Kell himself, from a military background. This ethos was echoed in the Service’s structure, in which intelligence officers were assigned military rank, whether or not they were entitled to it on the basis of military service. The military ethos of MI5 remained pervasive during the 1920s and 1930s. In the jargon of the Service, only those who worked in the ‘Office’ were 03_Charmian_Ch-1

in A matter of intelligence
Alun Wyburn-Powell

noticeable difference in the proportion of defectors and loyalists are politicians whose career outside parliament was in the armed forces: they are over-represented among the defectors. Possible reasons for this can be speculated. People with a military background typically tend to be self-confident, to be willing to take decisive actions and not be prepared to tolerate a lack of clarity or weak leadership. Conversely, educationalists and ministers of religion, who were perhaps more likely to have been conciliatory and tolerant by professional training and personality

in Defectors and the Liberal Party 1910–2010
Zoë Laidlaw

. 37 The Horse guards wanted as much influence as possible over the colonies where troops were stationed, including, if possible, either a commander-in-chief who was also governor, or a governor with a military background. Historians have not examined the military’s desire for imperial control sufficiently; as Hew Strachan has observed, although the empire was the ‘most

in Colonial connections, 1815–45
Abstract only
Alun Wyburn-Powell

for parties and for potential defectors. Even when faced with the same circumstances of electoral decline and party splits, some MPs defected, while others stayed loyal. Those with a military background, especially those of high rank, an Eton education, high personal wealth, those from outside the predominant religion of the party and divorcés were most likely to defect – the ‘toffs’ and the minorities. On average, defection was a career-enhancing move in terms of opportunity for office or honours; but there was usually a high price to pay in terms of ruptured

in Defectors and the Liberal Party 1910–2010
Jean R. Brink

characteristics which Grey would have required, but intelligence and judgement would also have been a plus. Grey had a distinguished military background and a strong sense of honour. At the very least, Grey must have been persuaded that Spenser was a man of honour who could be trusted with confidential information and astute enough not to be manipulated by the opposition to Grey's leadership. Grey must also have thought that Spenser would not regard the

in The early Spenser, 1554–80
Christopher Prior

, and two later turned down offers of employment. Of the remaining five, only three were deemed of a suitable standard. All three had military backgrounds. 52 Civil servants were understandably pessimistic about their ability to secure the services of those they judged the best of Britain’s young men, and recruitment committees had to continue relying on those for whom their enthusiasm had dwindled. 53

in Exporting empire