This study concerns the history of Gibraltar following its military conquest in 1704, after which sovereignty of the territory was transferred from Spain to Britain and it became a British fortress and colony. It focuses on the civilian population and shows how a substantial multi-ethnic Roman Catholic and Jewish population, derived mainly from the littorals and islands of the Mediterranean, became settled in British Gibraltar, much of it in defiance of British efforts to control entry and restrict residence. To explain why that population arrived and took root, the book also analyses the changing fortunes of the local economy over 300 years, the occupational opportunities presented and the variable living standards which resulted. Although for most of the period the British authorities primarily regarded Gibraltar as a fortress and governed it autocratically, they also began to incorporate civilians into administration, until it eventually, though still a British Overseas Territory, became internally a self-governing civilian democracy. The principal intention of the study is to show how the demographic, economic, administrative and political history of Gibraltar accounts for the construction, eventually and problematically, of a distinctive ‘Gibraltarian’ identity. With Gibraltar's political future still today contested, this is a matter of considerable political importance.
Better ‘the Hottentot at the hustings’ than ‘the Hottentot in the wilds with his gun on his shoulder’
Julie Evans, Patricia Grimshaw, David Philips, and Shurlee Swain
conquest and formal cession by treaty; the colonial annexations of Xhosa
land were similarly based on both militaryconquest and cession by
treaties following the various frontier wars. In South Africa, as
elsewhere in the settler colonies, the nineteenth century was
characterised by the transfer of Indigenous land to Europeans. Although
the process was complex and varied, Indigenous land was eventually
Government and politics, 1704–1819
It has been established already that the militaryconquest of 1704 was followed
by failure and frustration. The occupation of Gibraltar in the name of ‘King
Charles III’ was not the prelude, as expected, to his triumphant enthronement
in Madrid. As a result, and consequent upon partition and the containment of
allied troops behind the walls of a fortiﬁed town at the south end of an isthmus
on the tip of southern Europe, the problem arose as to who would thereafter
govern Gibraltar, and how. Those challenging questions were
Israel’s 1967 military triumph over the Arab states was widely applauded in the West but its military occupation of Arab land beyond the 1949 cease-fire line brought its army into direct confrontation with the Palestinian civilian population. The uneven struggle aroused the interest of the new left, a movement inspired in part by anti-colonial and anti-racist struggles, which saw the Israel/Palestine conflict in a different light from the traditional left. The chapter reviews the debates which informed this movement’s ideas on Israeli rule in the Occupied Territories. Political groups and intellectuals influenced by Marxism increasingly linked Israeli policy and military conquest to Western imperialism and characterised the Palestinian nationalist moment as part of the developing world’s anti-colonial struggle.
The French military conquest of Algeria was ruthless. Dispossessed of their land, peasants were pushed ever higher into mountainous areas. Many became agricultural workers on European-owned farms, migrant workers in France or moved to urban slums in search of work. By the early twentieth century urban Europeans had fused into a Catholic, albeit often secularised, pied-noir [black-foot] community of manual and whitecollar workers, artisans and shopkeepers. Racist contempt for the indigenous Muslim majority and Jewish minority was intrinsic to pied-noir identity. Thus, the urban proletariat reflected colonial dynamics − rigidly divided between European and Algerian, Christian, Jew and Muslim, living in proximity to and even alongside each other, yet never together. It was this class − as part of a French nation − that Algeria’s early socialists saw as their imagined community.
By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this
volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of
violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities
across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications
of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the
study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical
significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the
myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and
non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the
Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex
than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance.
Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale
violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum,
ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was
privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early
modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent
forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in
activities not officially classed as war.
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
conclusion to her book, Siddiqui summarizes
personal statements collected from some of her Christian friends
about their thoughts and feelings when they look at a cross or
crucifix. For one of them, it has become a successful marketing
brand for the Churches. Others read into it symbols of suffering,
compassion, tragedy and atonement, but also militaryconquest.
Siddiqui admits that
The Dunsoete Agreement and daily life in the Welsh borderlands
with the benefit of hindsight.
The arrival of the Anglo-Saxons in Britain looks like a militaryconquest
when viewed from the perspective of ninth-century Wessex, where the
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle was likely begun, or eighth-century Northumbria,
where Bede wrote his Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum. But for those in
the region inhabited by both Welsh and Anglo-Saxons for several centuries
Writing the Welsh borderlands
– the western territories of the Anglo-Saxon kingdom of Mercia and the
eastern portions of the northern Welsh kingdoms of Gwynedd and Powys
They had intimate experience of disease, and ought to have been able
to see that it was necessary to push the vegetation away as far as
possible from colonial settlements. This reasoning, however, fails
to take into account the particular experience of the militaryconquest in which these people had all taken part, and the
relationship with the natural environment that