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The Empire of Clouds in north-east India
Author: Andrew J. May

In 1841, the Welsh sent their first missionary, Thomas Jones, to evangelise the tribal peoples of the Khasi Hills of north-east India. This book follows Jones from rural Wales to Cherrapunji, the wettest place on earth and now one of the most Christianised parts of India. It is about the piety and practices, the perceptions and prejudices of people in early nineteenth century Wales. The book is also about the ways in which the religious ambitions of those same people operated upon the lives and ideas of indigenous societies of the distant Khasi Hills of north-eastern India. It foregrounds broader political, scientific, racial and military ideologies that mobilised the Khasi Hills into an interconnected network of imperial control. Its themes are universal: crises of authority, the loneliness of geographical isolation, sexual scandal, greed and exploitation, personal and institutional dogma, individual and group morality. In analysing the individual lives that flash in and out of this history, the book is a performance within the effort to break down the many dimensions of distance that the imperial scene prescribes. It pays attention to a 'networked conception of imperial interconnection'. The book discusses Jones's evangelising among the Khasis as well as his conflicts with church and state authority. It also discusses some aspects of the micro-politics of mission and state in the two decades immediately following Thomas Jones's death. While the Welsh missionary impact was significant, its 'success' or indeed its novelty, needs to be measured against the pre-existing activities of British imperialists.

Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

devotion to democratic freedoms was born of that struggle. 4 Transatlantic relations during the Cold War The onset of the Cold War had the effect of both extending and institutionalising the military-ideological relationship that had developed between the US and the UK since 1941. As Cleveland has argued, the ideological component ‘was perfected and

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
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Laurens de Rooij

of discourse … to identify Orientalism. My contention is that without examining Orientalism as a discourse one cannot possibly understand the enormously systematic discipline by which European culture was able to manage – and even produce – the Orient politically, sociologically, militarily, ideologically, scientifically and imaginatively during the post-Enlightenment period. 4 Muslims in

in Islam in British media discourses
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Andrew J. May

foregrounds broader political, scientific, racial and military ideologies that mobilised the hills into an interconnected vision of imperial control. Once arrived, the work of the first generation of missionaries is explored in the third section of the book in relation to language translation, education, proselytism and negotiation with native polity. It is here too that crises of authority in the mission are

in Welsh missionaries and British imperialism
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J.W.M. Hichberger

to calls for an all-out, national effort from every class in society. For the first time Academic battle paintings were perceived not as a neutral reflection of history but as part of the process of building a pro-military ideology. 35 Statistics of Royal Academy exhibits register an upsurge in the number of battle pictures and an even larger upswing in the number of genre depictions of the military

in Images of the army
From Ecouvillon to Lamantin (1958–1978)
Camille Evrard

member state of the French Community. Also of note is the rather tense atmosphere that characterised international relations in the late 1950s, returning every now and again like an echo behind the perception that the French in Africa, especially the military officers at their respective grades, had of their role. The memory of the Second World War and the emergence of colonial conflicts that forced soldiers to fight under entirely new conditions fostered the development of a very particular military ideology, which reached its climax during the Algerian War.2 Soldiers

in Francophone Africa at fifty
Michael Mannin

. Second, a more obvious point is that nineteenth-century European nations were not only challenged and shaped by their prior historic experiences but were themselves subsequently shaken by periods of military, ideological and economic shock during the first half of the twentieth century. European wars and their aftermath evidenced dormant and new nationalist aspirations, irredentist pressures and, thus, challenges to the nineteenth- and twentieth-century boundaries of states, particularly in Central-Eastern and South-Eastern Europe. Europeanisation and disputed visions

in The European Union and its eastern neighbourhood
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Heather Streets

about the masculine virtues and qualities of ‘martial races’ eventually reached a wide public in both Britain and India. In this way, they were able to shape the contours of more than just Anglo-Indian military ideology. Indeed, the particular militaristic masculine ideal represented by ‘martial race’ soldiers accords suspiciously well with shifting masculine ideals in late Victorian Britain. At

in Martial races
Louis Rawlings

about and related to the places they frequented – was partly moulded by the routes taken by processions, by the presence of monuments 3033 The ancient Greeks 12/7/07 13:36 Page 217 War, the individual and the community 217 of military victories, and by the aetiologies explaining their existence. Such activities, monuments and recollections would have had a far more immediate impact on those who had participated in the wars and conflicts that produced them, and thus were rather emphatic realisations of the military ideology of the community. The other community

in The ancient Greeks at war
Natalie Bormann

forerunner of the current NMD project) as an example of the creative promise of what he termed the ‘second American revolution’ and a ‘bold vision’ of Western pioneers (Reagan quoted in Linenthal 1989, 9). His Brilliant Pebbles Program, which was to become the space-based component of the missile defence project, was seen as emblematic of a national purpose that ‘equated technological pre-eminence with military, ideological, and cultural supremacy’ (Linenthal 1989, 45). Some even argue that SDI implied ‘the American desire to return to the years of American superiority

in National missile defence and the politics of US identity