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Nigel D. White

by three distinct features. First of all, the freedom of states to wage war or engage in other forms of armed force are severely curtailed in the UN Charter, Article 2(4) of which prohibits states from threatening or using force themselves except in self-defence. Secondly, the Security Council is given the power to undertake military measures in response to threats or aggressions. 2 Thirdly, a state’s right of self-defence in response to an armed attack only persists until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain or restore international

in The law of international organisations (third edition)
Author: Nigel D. White

International organisations are a central component of modern international society. This book provides a concise account of the principles and norms of international law applicable to the intergovernmental organisation (IGO). It defines and explains inter-governmentalism and the role of law in its regulation. The book presents case studies that show how the law works within an institutional order dominated by politics. After a note on the key relationship between the IGO and its member states, it examines the basic relationship between the UN and states in terms of membership through admissions, withdrawal, expulsion, suspension, and representation. The debate about the extent of the doctrine of legal powers is addressed through case studies. Institutional lawmaking in the modern era is discussed with particular focus on at the impact of General Assembly Resolutions on outer space and the Health Regulations of the World Health Organization. Non-forcible measures adopted by the UN and similar IGOs in terms of their legality (constitutionality and conformity to international law), legitimacy and effectiveness, is covered next. The different military responses undertaken by IGOs, ranging from observation and peacekeeping, to peace enforcement and war-fighting, are discussed in terms of legality and practice. The book also considers the idea of a Responsibility to Protect and the development of secondary rules of international law to cover the wrongful acts and omissions of IGOs. It ends with a note on how the primary and secondary rules of international law are upheld in different forms and mechanisms of accountability, including courts.

Theory and practice
Thomas R. Seitz

the head of its director.82 Within a short time, USAID reported to the Special Group-CI that in Laos, Thailand and Vietnam, all programmes had been directed toward support of counterinsurgency efforts.83 The Kennedy team’s reorganization of military aid proved troublesome as well. As one of the outspoken Senate ‘internationalists’ during the Eisenhower years,84 Kennedy had long advocated a restructuring and reorientation of security assistance away from military measures and towards development aid. Early in his administration, the new President, in consultation

in The evolving role of nation-building in US foreign policy
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Steven Kettell

9 Decline and fall A significant change The launching of the war on terror in September 2001 was shaped by two immediate factors: the new imperialist trajectory adopted by the US from the end of the Cold War, and the specific form and character of the George W. Bush administration. Seeking to craft a new world order more conducive to US interests, Washington’s response to the al-Qaeda attacks of 9/11 was driven by military measures designed to expand free market democracy in the Middle East and to establish a credible willingness to use force in defence of its

in New Labour and the new world order
Arabs, Israelis, and the limits of military force
Author: Jeremy Pressman

The Arab–Israeli conflict has been at the centre of international affairs for decades. Despite repeated political efforts, the confrontation and casualties continue, especially in fighting between Israelis and Palestinians. This new assessment emphasizes the role that military force plays in blocking a diplomatic resolution. Many Arabs and Israelis believe that the only way to survive or to be secure is through the development, threat, and use of military force and violence. This idea is deeply flawed and results in missed diplomatic opportunities and growing insecurity. Coercion cannot force rivals to sign a peace agreement to end a long-running conflict. Sometimes negotiations and mutual concessions are the key to improving the fate of a country or national movement. Using short historical case studies from the 1950s through to today, the book explores and pushes back against the dominant belief that military force leads to triumph while negotiations and concessions lead to defeat and further unwelcome challenges. In The sword is not enough, we learn both what makes this idea so compelling to Arab and Israeli leaders and how it eventually may get dislodged.

Cracks in the old consensus
Anja Dalgaard-Nielsen

strong aversion to using military measures to restore the independence of Kuwait, the Liberals were unable to offer an operational alternative.9 Prior to the Gulf War, the FDP had rejected German engagement in international security that went beyond UN ‘blue helmet’ missions. Peacekeeping missions were considered acceptable, but not peace-creating or peace-enforcing missions permitted under the UN Charter’s Article VII. The Gulf War prompted a modification of this stance. Though the Liberals insisted on a prior amendment to the Basic Law, they aligned themselves with the

in Germany, pacifism and peace enforcement
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Nigel D. White

sanctions against individual leaders, regime elites and NSAs, such as terrorists held responsible for threats to peace but these, in turn, have raised human rights concerns, and have led to litigation before various national, regional and international courts and bodies. Intriguingly, in 2009, the Security Council responded by creating an ombudsperson to hear complaints about wrongful listing. Is this a response to human rights concerns? More importantly, does it satisfy human rights norms? Chapter 8: Military measures Non-forcible measures potentially put IGOs into

in The law of international organisations (third edition)
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Aaron Edwards

intelligence into account are at best incomplete, at worst distorted’.33 What this book has tried to do is to examine Britain’s small wars in Conclusion 291 light of how intelligence, amongst other things, was used in civil– military relations to counter irregular adversaries. Many of the civil–military measures explored in this book are frequently cited today as textbook examples of the British ‘black art’ of counter-insurgency. While it is one thing to claim lineage in terms of having been involved in small wars campaigning, it is quite another to claim a natural

in Defending the realm?
George Brown’s narrative defence of the ‘New Britain raid’
Helen Gardner

’. it fully appears to us that in the judgment of the natives themselves, Mr Brown has administered justice without seeking revenge; and whilst we still cherish the utmost confidence in Mr Brown … [we] now solemnly affirm that we can never sanction the use of military measure in our missionary enterprises

in Law, history, colonialism
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Strategy in a time of crisis
Andrew Monaghan

Russian aggression towards the West, from provocative military measures on Europe’s borders to subversion alongside a tide of digital propaganda and efforts to manipulate the US presidential election’. 5 Bradshaw’s view that Putin ‘has his hands on all the levers of power’ is widespread among Euro-Atlantic policy-makers and observers, who emphasise Putin’s control of all aspects of national power, military and non-military, in a seamless linking of state power. Many see Moscow to have increasingly displayed a real focus on the whole of government, a ‘full spectrum

in Power in modern Russia