French frontier strategy
In the context of foreign policy, Louis XIV viewed the defence of the kingdom as
his most important duty; any loss of territory resulting from foreign aggression
would have led to a significant diminution of the king’s gloire. At the time Louis
assumed personal control of his government in 1661, there remained several
weak points in the kingdom’s frontiers leaving it open to invasion, in particular
from the Spanish Netherlands and on the border with the Holy Roman Empire
in the north-east. As the reign progressed
This book examines the varied and fascinating ways in which the series of non-monarchical regimes of England’s civil wars and interregnum interacted with the unique locality and community of Westminster. Westminster (as opposed to London) was traditionally viewed as the ‘royal’ city – the site of Whitehall Palace and the royal courts of justice, its Abbey reputed to be the ‘house of kings’, and its inhabitants assumed to be instinctive followers of the monarch and the royal court. Westminster emerges in this study as a site of extraordinary ambiguities and juxtapositions. The promoters of vigorous moral reformation and a sustained and often intrusive military presence coexisted uneasily with the area’s distinctive forms of elite sociability and luxury. The state’s foremost godly preachers performed in close proximity to royalist churchmen. More generally, the forces of political, religious and cultural conservatism can be observed on the very doorstep of parliament and non-monarchical regimes. Yet for Westminster as a whole, this was the time when the locality became tied to the state more tightly than ever before, while at key moments the town’s distinctive geography and local government played a significant role in shaping the political crises of the period. Chapters analyse the crisis of 1640-42, the use of Westminster’s iconic buildings and spaces by the non-monarchical regimes, the sustained military occupation of the locality, the problems of political allegiance and local government, the religious divisions and practices of the period, and the problematic revival of fashionable society in a time of political tension.
The military occupation of Egypt exposed the British government to charges of self-interest and the betrayal of Britain's liberal political principles. This book is a comprehensive portrait of the British colony in Egypt, which also takes a fresh look at the examples of colonial cultures memorably enshrined in Edward W. Said's classic Orientalism. It presents a study that takes Edward Said's theory of colonial culture as a first reference and follows his method of analysing various British cultural products that involved some sort of cultural exchange. British residence in Egypt was facilitated by commercial treaties, known as the 'Capitulations'. The idea of Britain's 'civilising mission' had become justification for the repression of Egypt's liberty. Arguing that Said's analysis offered only the dominant discourse in imperial and colonial narratives, the book uses private papers, letters, memoirs, as well as the official texts, histories and government reports, to reveal both dominant and muted discourses. While imperial sentiment set the standards and sealed the ruling caste culture image, the investigation of colonial sentiment reveals a diverse colony in temperament and lifestyles, often intimately rooted in the Egyptian setting. British high commissioner Sir Miles Lampson's interventions in Egyptian domestic politics marked a momentous turning point in imperial history by spurring extremist nationalism. The interwar time of uncertainty witnessed a see-sawing of the imperialistic and the liberal or internationalist impulses.
The burdens of occupation
Over the course of the early modern period, a clear evolution took place in
the way occupied territories were treated by conquering powers, particularly
in terms of the material and financial burdens imposed on the territory, and of
civil-military relations. While militaryoccupations of the sixteenth and the first
half of the seventeenth century were usually horrific for the affected populations,
those in the eighteenth century tended towards lighter exactions and better
discipline.1 Louis XIV’s personal rule can be seen as
earlier St Margaret’s had been paying for the
cleaning of twenty-eight muskets and for four new gunsticks: E31).
93 WAC, F2003, pp. 18, 41, 48.
The militarization of Westminster
and soldiers at their various posts.’94 These words of the Venetian ambassador might be expected to have been written during the civil wars, or in
the immediate aftermath of the militaryoccupations of London; but in fact
they were written in 1656, when the protectoral court had re-established so
many features of pre-war Whitehall, and
in refusing to accept the Palestinians as a
nation’.73 But in the light of the militaryoccupation’s failure to subdue
Palestinian resistance, the argument for self-determination acquired political
momentum in the international arena. Newspaper reports of Israeli violations of
human rights were given authoritative confirmation, in 1970, by the
International Committee of the Red Cross and the Investigation Committee of the
UN General Assembly.74
The 1973 Yom Kippur War widened the circle of sceptics over Israel’s policy
towards the Arab world. From the ranks of the
to changes in regime in the dramatic situation of militaryoccupation and civil conflict. If political belief partly determined
their choices and fate, the period in question could present surprising
opportunities for self-advancement, which did not necessarily depend
on ideological outlook. Consideration in the latter part of the chapter
of how, following the Liberation of Italy, Interior Ministry Police
personnel confronted ‘de-fascistisation’ measures feeds into our broader
analysis of the evolution of police culture during the dictatorship and
consolidated victory at Tel-el-Kebir by establishing a temporary
militaryoccupation of Egypt (both to protect the Suez Canal and to
preserve internal order in Egypt). Given the minimal size of the army of
occupation, the arrangement worked conveniently within Egypt but
difficulties soon arose when Egypt, on behalf of the Porte, sought to
This study considers the ways in which locals of the occupied Nord responded to and understood their situation across four years of German domination, focusing in particular on key behaviours adopted by locals, and the way in which such conduct was perceived. Behaviours examined include forms of complicity, misconduct, disunity, criminality, and resistance. This local case study calls into question overly-patriotic readings of this experience, and suggests a new conceptual vocabulary to help understand certain civilian behaviours under military occupation. Drawing on extensive primary documentation – from diaries and letters to posters and police reports – this book proposes that a dominant ‘occupied culture’ existed among locals. This was a moral-patriotic framework, born of both pre-war socio-cultural norms and daily interaction with the enemy, that guided conduct and was especially concerned with what was considered acceptable and unacceptable behaviour. Those who breached the limits of this occupied culture faced criticism and sometimes punishment. This study attempts to disentangle perceptions and reality, but also argues that the clear beliefs and expectations of the occupied French comprise a fascinating subject of study in their own right. They provide an insight into national and local identity, and especially the way in which locals understood their role within the wider conflict. This book will be useful to undergraduates, post-graduates and academics interested in an understudied aspect of the history of modern France, the First World War, and military occupations.
This book investigates the occupations of two of the territories, Lorraine and Savoy, both of which were occupied twice during the course of Louis's personal rule: Lorraine in 1670–1697 and 1702–1714, Savoy in 1690–1696 and again in 1703–1713. It first provides some necessary background in terms of French frontier strategy during the seventeenth century, and also relations between France, Lorraine and Piedmont-Savoy in the longer term. It includes a brief account of the occupation of Lorraine under cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin, to provide useful comparison with an earlier occupation. The book then gives a narrative analysis of the occupations from the point of view of France's strategic priorities. It also considers the administrative side of the occupations, in terms of the structures and personnel put in place by the French regime and the financial and security burdens imposed on the occupier and the occupied. The book further investigates French policy towards elite groups, and their reactions to French occupation. It looks at the ways in which the nobilities responded: whether they chose to collaborate with or resist the French, and what forms that collaboration and resistance took. The attention then turns to those who held offices in occupied territories, in the sovereign courts, where they continued to exist, as well as in the lower, subaltern courts and the towns. Finally, the book considers the French church policies towards, and the responses of, the episcopate, the religious superiors and the lower regular and secular clergy.