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For the last three decades or so, literary studies, especially those dealing with premodern texts, have been dominated by the New Historicist paradigm. This book is a collection of essays explores medieval and early modern Troilus-texts from Chaucer to Shakespeare. The contributions show how medieval and early modern fictions of Troy use love and other emotions as a means of approaching the problem of tradition. The book argues that by emphasizing Troilus's and Cressida's hopes and fears, Shakespeare sets in motion a triangle of narrative, emotion and temporality. It is a spectacle of which tells something about the play but also about the relation between anticipatory emotion and temporality. The sense of multiple literary futures is shaped by Shakespeare's Chaucer, and in particular by Troilus and Criseyde. The book argues that the play's attempted violence upon a prototypical form of historical time is in part an attack on the literary narratives. Criseyde's beauty is described many times. The characters' predilection for sententiousness unfolds gradually. Through Criseyde, Chaucer's Poet displaces authorial humility as arrogance. The Troilus and Criseyde/Cressida saga begins with Boccaccio, who isolates and expands the love affair between Troiolo and Criseida to vent his sexual frustration. The poem appears to be linking an awareness of history and its continuing influence and impact on the present to hermeneutical acts conspicuously gendered female. The main late medieval Troy tradition does two things: it represents ferocious military combat, and also practises ferocious literary combat against other, competing traditions of Troy.
offers limited insight towards a feminist transformative agenda, not to mention the negative implications for the Middle East peace process of increased numbers of women willing to go to war. A major difficulty is that women’s entrance into male-dominated domains, such as military combat, reproduces the standard for citizenship in Israel that relies on the male citizen warrior as a role model. Feminist
, 1966) This assemblage of ‘human and nonhuman’ actors has also led to a convergence between media production and ‘networks of war’ leading to what Der Derian in 2009 (quoted in Fiore-Silfvast 2012, 1966) calls the ‘Military-Industrial-Media- Entertainment-Network’. Within this network, ‘virtual warfare’ is created via a dense constellation of nodes, networks and feedback loops, with ‘examples of this feedback loop and convergence of domains’ including ‘how simulations used to train pilots are used as special effects in Hollywood movies and the way military combat
-Gaddafi rebels 0.24 Partially successful Unsuccessful 2014–2018 Iraq / Syria – air operations against ‘Islamic State’ 0.29 5 Totally successful Partially successful Total 38.45 6 Figure 4.1 British military combat operations since the Cold War 1 Figures from Malcolm Chalmers, in Johnson ( 2014 : 268), except
sublime, together with the belief that military combat not only fitted perfectly the Romantic definition of the sublime but transformed it into the ultimate experience. Such analyses tend to exclude women, who are relegated to an appreciation only of beauty rather than the sublime, and presuppose that they cannot partake in opportunities for transcendent knowledge, particularly those gained in the midst of battle. Yet Harari recognises the similarity between religious revelation and the idea of the sublime, though he assumes this no longer has relevance: ‘the sublime
military (combat) value, and goes as far as to say ‘nothing military remained except the name of the army [στρατείας ὄνομα]’ (trans. Dewing). 1 A similar case might be made for the excubitores who are noted by Ennodius. 2 The fact that these troops seemed to have had a civilian oversight, and thus did not fall under a military office, 3 reinforces their non-military nature. It also means they were not part of the
selfless ‘Mother Ireland’ and of Mary, the untainted Virgin Mother of Christ, as role models for women, despite female participation at all levels of the national struggle, including military combat.2 Numerous battles have had to be fought over contraception, divorce, homosexuality and censorship. A battle royal is still being fought over the right to abortion, virtually unobtainable not only in the southern State, but also in Northern Ireland.3 It is hardly surprising, therefore, that many Irish feminists at home and ‘across the water’ in Britain concluded that any self
/11 in 2001, the Bush administration acted vigorously to instigate the global war on terror. In the name of counter-terrorism, the Bush administration conducted two major military operations in the greater Middle East – namely, Operation Enduring Freedom and Operation Iraqi Freedom – overthrowing the Taliban and Saddam Hussein regimes in Afghanistan and Iraq. However, after major military combat in both countries, the US turned to a bloody war of counter-insurgency in Iraq, trying reluctantly to win the war of ‘hearts and minds’; it also fought various campaigns
, spaces that are conventionally understood to lie outside the range of military combat. Moreover, the discourse of ‘enlightened occupation’ that had sustained the legitimacy in Israeli public opinion of Israeli control over the West Bank and Gaza since 1967 was exposed during the intifada as oppressive and unjust. Additionally, the question arose about the degree to which military
would end in a defeat for the Ottomans, resulting in Russian control of the Dardanelles and, more broadly, the entire eastern Mediterranean. Neither would allow this to happen and in January 1854, the French and British fleets were ordered through the Bosporus and into the Black Sea. The following month, Lord Raglan was appointed commander of a British expeditionary force. He was aged sixty-six and had not seen military combat since the Battle of Waterloo in 1815 in which he lost an arm. On 27 March 1854, France declared war on Russia; Britain followed the next day