This book is a history of Britain's travelling communities in the twentieth century, drawing together detailed archival research at local and national levels to explore the impact of state and legislative developments on Travellers, as well as their experience of missions, education, war and welfare. It also covers legal developments affecting Travellers, whose history, it argues, must not be dealt with in isolation but as part of a wider history of British minorities. The book will be of interest to scholars and students concerned with minority groups, the welfare state and the expansion of government.
This book is a study of the history and memory of Anglo-Jewry from medieval times to the present and explores the construction of identities, both Jewish and non-Jewish, in relation to the concept of place. The introductory chapters provide a theoretical overview focusing on the nature of local studies. The book then moves into a chronological frame, starting with medieval Winchester, moving to early modern Portsmouth, and then it covers the evolution of Anglo-Jewry from emancipation to the twentieth century. Emphasis is placed on the impact on identities resulting from the complex relationship between migration (including transmigration) and the settlement of minority groups. Drawing upon a range of approaches, including history, cultural and literary studies, geography, Jewish and ethnic and racial studies, the book uses extensive sources including novels, poems, art, travel literature, autobiographical writing, official documentation, newspapers and census data.
This book addresses some of the neglected problems, people and vulnerabilities of the Asia-Pacific region. It talks about emancipation, human security, 'security politics', language and threat-construction. The book is divided into three sections: agents; strategies and contexts; and futures. The first section outlines a range of possible agents or actors potentially capable of redressing individual suffering and vulnerability in the region. It examines East Asian regional institutions and dynamics of regionalism as potential sources of 'progressive' security discourses and practices. There is focus on the progressive security potential of regional institutions and regionalism has become increasingly prominent in literature on security in the Asia-Pacific. Two common interpretations of the role of epistemic communities in the construction of security are contested: that they are either passive sources of governmental legitimacy, or autonomous agents with the capacity of constructing or creating state interests. The second section reviews strategies and contexts, outlining a range of different sites of insecurity in the region, the ways in which dominant security discourses and practices emerge, and the extent to which such discourses are contested in different contexts. Indonesian government's approach to minority groups and separatism, the issue of civil unrest and human rights abuses in Burma, and the Australian government's attitude towards refugees and asylum-seekers are discussed. The third section deals with security futures, specifically discussing the question of what alternative security discourses and practices might look like. Finally, the book outlines a feminist critical security discourse and examines its applicability to the Asia-Pacific region.
and affect about Islam and Muslims in the US and demonstrated that the securitisation of minoritygroups in societies where a norm of racial equality prevails, need not be expressed through a language of security, enmity and vilification, but also through a covert grammar of amity, denial of prejudice and good intentions. I have laid bare some of the implicit assumptions of the Islamic terrorism discourse, which uses careful predications about Islam and the role of Muslims in countering violent extremism, for example by ending their neutrality in the politics of the
detailed data to pass confident
judgement not just on how minorities fare compared to the white
majority, but on how the prospects of getting ahead in the workplace
vary between different minoritygroups.
The 2 per cent Sample of Anonymised Records (SAR) of the 1991 Census of Population
and the 3 per cent SAR of the 2001 Census of Population for Great Britain. For the US, the
1 per cent Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUM), for both 1990 and 2000.
The rickety ladder: minorities and work
Finding a job is
reproduced within the nation state (through, for example, the
education system) which in turn reinforced perceptions that denying
rights to non-citizens (or denying citizenship to non-nationals) was
natural. Citizenship also reproduced inequalities between nationals
on the basis of gender and race and ethnicity. For instance, in many
countries women obtained the franchise later than men and had
lesser economic and social rights. Citizen minoritygroups, excluded
from dominant ideological conceptions of social membership, also
experienced inequalities within
large-scale population transfers and
forced migration which took place in Eastern and Central Europe
during the first half of the twentieth century, these events were
by no means predetermined in 1900. After all, up until 1918 the
majority of Germans were incorporated in either the German or
Austro-Hungarian Empire, while the German minoritygroups
outside these Empires – in Russia, Serbia and Rumania – generally co-existed amicably with the indigenous populations. In fact, at
least 300,000 of the German ethnic minority living in Russia served
with the Russian army
problem posed by the tyranny of the majority. While both models provide
effective arguments for liberal freedoms such as freedom of speech and
freedom of association as intrinsic to democratic rule, it remains plausible
that, under non-ideal conditions, the interests or reasons expressed by
minoritygroups may be ignored or, at least, not granted equal status within
the decision-making process. In the practical context of democratic rule by
This book is about the securitisation of Islam in the United States from the Bush to the Trump administration. It explores the ways in which the securitisation is legitimised and felt when President George W. Bush, President Barack Obama and even President Donald J. Trump securitise through deception and covert language rather than by mobilising a security grammar of existential threats. This book is also about the consequences of using covert forms of hate speech to securitise minoritygroups and the ways in which everyday racism is linked to
relations are negotiated and evolve.
Based on empirical data from research conducted in Northern Ireland,
this chapter examines the way in which tolerance is displayed between
majority and minoritygroups. The analysis considers the way in which
migrants in particular navigate through public and private spaces to
become integrated with the mainstream society. As such it deepens our
understanding of social relations between minority and majority groups
and seeks to contribute to debates on social integration and tolerance.
Effectively the ways in which migrants integrate