This book looks at the theoretical issue of how a democracy can defend itself from those wishing to subvert or destroy it without being required to take measures that would impinge upon the basic principles of the democratic idea. It links social and institutional perspectives to the study, and includes a case study of the Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence, which tests the theoretical framework outlined in the first chapter. There is an extensive diachronic scrutiny of the state's response to extremist political parties, violent organizations and the infrastructure of extremism and intolerance within Israeli society. The book emphasises the dynamics of the response and the factors that encourage or discourage the shift from less democratic and more democratic models of response.
This chapter focuses on the historical campaign undertaken by the State of Israel against extremist parties, beginning with the ‘Socialist List’ in 1965 and concluding with the Yemin Yisrael (‘Israel's Right’) party in 1996. It discusses Rabbi Meir Kahane's party Kach, whose ideology, proposed patterns of action and leader's rhetoric have played a key role in shaping the normative legal defensive measures devised by the Israeli democracy. The chapter aims to trace the changes in measures taken by Israel in its struggle with extremist parties and to indicate the gradual transition from a ‘militant’ to an ‘immunized’ model of response.
Attitudes towards subversive movements and violent organisations
seems that there was a situation in which the lack of a constitution necessary for safeguarding civil rights combined with the state of emergency which existed, entailing the potential enforcement of a wide array of decrees and regulations that substantially digressed from the notion of the ‘rule of law’ in its liberal democratic sense. This combination provided Israel with the tools needed to administer a modelofresponse that, despite what appeared to be couched in a legal framework, was still a far cry from the more demanding requirements of the ‘criminal justice
have seen that collective
action already existed. It was in large cities as democratic spaces that social
movements reinserted the issue of social and political citizenship.
Rather than following a single modelofresponse to the crisis, the austerity doctrine in the countries of the European Union has been implemented
unevenly. The debt crisis has had drastic consequences for the southern
European countries, especially for those that experienced a bailout. In these
societies, drastic measures of fiscal contraction and shrinking social rights
are being opposed in the
The ‘defending democracy’ in Israel – a framework of analysis
Yemin Yisrael (‘Israel’s Right’) party in 1996. A central object of this discussion is Rabbi Meir Kahane’s party Kach, whose ideology, proposed patterns of action and leader’s rhetoric have played a key role in shaping the normative legal defensive measures devised by the Israeli democracy. The principal aim of chapter 1 is to trace the changes in measures taken by Israel in its struggle with extremist parties and to indicate the gradual transition from a ‘militant’ to an ‘immunised’ modelofresponse.
Chapter 2 puts forward a chronological
, despite their genuine intention to effectively eliminate terrorism, US policy-makers and security officials are generally reluctant to sacrifice basic democratic liberties in the course of this struggle, at least in the domestic arena.
Germany, like Israel, provides a very different example of counter-extremist policies. Since the late 1960s Germany, like Israel, has presented its own version of the ‘extended criminal justice model’ 27 and, inevitably, has attracted much criticism as a result. Although, according to Finn, this modelofresponse
Arthur Young and country house picture collections in the late eighteenth century
period, and it was no longer seen as exclusively
elite. In his writings on connoisseurship, Jonathan Richardson had ‘asserted
that knowing who painted a picture and how good it was could be deduced
empirically by any clear-thinking person’ who spent time studying art.51 At
the time Young was writing, the discourse of connoisseurship was increasingly
being adopted for the newspaper reports of art exhibitions held in London.
These reviews were aimed at a wide audience: Mark Hallett has argued that
for an urban bourgeois public, they offered modelsofresponses to