This book attempts to understand how two sister centre-left parties, the British Labour Party and the Australian Labor Party (ALP), have sought to adapt to the modern era and effect changes. It identifies and examines a range of drivers for Labour's desire to experiment and find new forms of citizen engagement. Linked to the influence of the New Social Democracy (NSD) is the lingering legacy of the new public management (NPM) reforms implemented in the public sectors in both countries. For Labour, democratic renewal is an attempt to secure wider legitimacy in neoliberal settings; similarly, the NSD is also linked to the debates about the perceived shift from government to governance. The NSD has attempted to respond to these debates and in Britain a concerted effort has been made to reformulate the role of the state and, by extension, civil society. The book examines how far the NSD has influenced Labour governments in Britain and Australia. It establishes Labour's interest in democratic renewal, specifically, the role of political participation and civic engagement in the wider context of democratic theory. Given that the NSD calls for an 'active citizenry', this is important. A central motif of democratic theory is an ambivalence about the role of political participation in a modern liberal democratic polity. The book explores how far New Social Democratic governments in Britain and Australia have been successful in seeking to link new forms of public dialogue to existing democratic decision-making processes in the modern western world.
This introductory chapter contextualises the book’s content and spells out its argument. The book is about the people’s power. The first section surveys the scholarly literature on topics related to the power of the people, including the notions of the people, sovereignty, democracy, liberalism, republicanism, popular sovereignty and populism. It illustrates that while scholars are uneasy about the notion of popular sovereignty and much related to it, it nonetheless remains the case that political legitimacy is conferred only by the people, not by God, birth, might or fiat. In the modern Western world, rule of the people, by the people, for the people seems morally unquestionable. This introductory chapter’s second section provides in-depth summaries of the book’s chapters. In the process it shows the several through-lines, mutually entangled and not always separable, that connect people power to the site of sovereignty. These include the role played by formal institutions, manners, the role of civil society, and perhaps especially the legitimising and delegitimising role played by religion. The chapter’s final section turns to a signal contemporary moment of people power, the eighteen days in Tahrir Square, 2011. It suggests that asking non-Western polities to embrace popular sovereignty requires confronting the theological foundations of popular sovereignty, both in terms of the centrifugal forces of cultural pluralism and the centripetal forces of shared belief.
Delving into a hitherto unexplored aspect of Irish art history, Painting Dublin,
1886–1949 examines the depiction of Dublin by artists from the late-nineteenth
to the mid-twentieth century. Artists’ representations of the city have long
been markers of civic pride and identity, yet in Ireland, such artworks have
been overlooked in favour of the rural and pastoral, falling outside of the
dominant disciplinary narratives of nationalism or modernism. Framed by the
shift from city of empire to capital of an independent republic, this book
chiefly examines artworks by of Walter Frederick Osborne (1857–1903), Rose Mary
Barton (1856–1929), Jack Butler Yeats (1871–1957), Harry Aaron Kernoff
(1900–74), Estella Frances Solomons (1882–1968), and Flora Hippisley Mitchell
(1890–1973), encompassing a variety of urban views and artistic themes. While
Dublin is renowned for its representation in literature, this book will
demonstrate how the city was also the subject of a range of visual depictions,
including those in painting and print. Focusing on the images created by these
artists as they navigated the city’s streets, this book offers a vivid
visualisation of Dublin and its inhabitants, challenging a reengagement with
Ireland’s art history through the prism of the city and urban life.
This book explores for the first time women’s leading roles in animal protection in nineteenth-century Britain. Victorian women founded pioneering bodies such as the Battersea Dogs’ Home, the Royal Society for the Protection of Birds, and the first anti-vivisection society. They intervened directly to stop abuses, promoted animal welfare, and schooled the young in humane values via the Band of Mercy movement. They also published literature that, through strongly argued polemic or through imaginative storytelling, notably in Anna Sewell’s Black Beauty, showed man’s unjustifiable cruelty to animals. In all these enterprises, they encountered opponents who sought to discredit and thwart their efforts by invoking age-old notions of female ‘sentimentality’ or ‘hysteria’, which supposedly needed to be checked by ‘masculine’ pragmatism, rationality and broadmindedness, especially where men’s field sports were concerned. To counter any public perception of extremism, conservative bodies such as the Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals for long excluded women from executive roles, despite their crucial importance as donors and grassroots activists. However, women’s growing opportunities for public work in philanthropic projects and the development of militant feminism, running in parallel with campaigns for the vote, gave them greater boldness in expressing their distinctive view of animal–human relations, in defiance of patriarchy. In analysing all these historic factors, the book unites feminist perspectives, especially constructions of gender, with the fast-developing field of animal–human history.
As the modernWesternworld has grown accustomed to the phenomenon of
transsexualism and – certainly in Western Europe – has institutionalized the
physical, social and legal transformation of men into women, or women into
men, the idea of sex being fundamentally anchored in the self has become
a quite dominant rationale. The sex of self, then, ultimately legitimizes the
infringement of the other rationales, of sex as a representation of the body
and sex as someone’s inscription in society. The last part of this book is about
the emergence of the first
profound skepticism about the just-so stories we tell and are told about how technological change works. These stories implicitly support the muscular technological development of the modernwesternworld – no doubt because they are typically written by western scholars who focus on the last 50, 100, or, if they are feeling very frisky, 200 years of social and technological change. The achievements of important people (and, let’s be honest, typically these people are white men) feature prominently, often at the expense of their assistants, informants, spouses, families
Cresswell, T., 2006. On the
Move: Mobility in the ModernWesternWorld , Milton Park/New York:
Cresswell, T., 2010. ‘Towards
a Politics of Mobility’, Environment and Planning D: Society
and Space 28(1): 17–31.
Faist, T., 2013. ‘The
Mobility Turn: A New Paradigm for the Social Sciences?’, Ethnic
and Racial Studies 36(11): 1637
to resolve these debates by institutionalising
news mechanisms for enriching democratic decision-making processes
and enhancing the quality of public debate. Yet deliberative democracy
is difficult to enact in mass societies, and political elites remain wedded
to the existing architecture of representative democracy. The cases that
comprise this book explore how far New Social Democratic governments in Britain and Australia have been successful in seeking to link
new forms of public dialogue to existing democratic decision-making
processes in the modernwestern
this diagnostic concept resembled
Ehrenberg’s. This was due in the first place to the historian and international
relations expert, Arnold J. Toynbee. The first volumes of A Study of History (twelve
volumes, 1934–61) had earned Toynbee a reputation for cultural-political diagnosis
from a long-term historical perspective. As early as 1940, Toynbee told an Oxford audience
that such a long-term perspective made the modernWesternworld appear as distinctively
‘post-Christian’. Like Ehrenberg, Toynbee applied this label
: 1086.02, 7 August 1933. The car is as imagined by the author but
was a popular choice of model and colour.
3 J. B. Priestley, English Journey, London 1934, p. 401.
4 S. O’Connell, The Car and British society: Class, Gender and Motoring 1896–
1939, Manchester 1998.
5 P. Ling, ‘Sex and the Automobile in the Jazz Age’, History Today, November
1989, sets out the connection between motoring and sexual transgression, and
T. Cresswell, On the Move: Mobility in the ModernWesternWorld, London 2006,
provides the theoretical positioning for the topic.
6 See for