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A Postcolonial Geography
Author: Richard Philips

The operation of the British model of imperialism was never consistent, seldom coherent, and far from comprehensive. Purity campaigns, controversies about the age of consent, the regulation of prostitution and passage and repeal of contagious diseases laws, as well as a new legislative awareness of homosexuality, were all part of the sexual currency of the late Victorian age. Colonial governments, institutions and companies recognised that in many ways the effective operation of the Empire depended upon sexual arrangements. They devised elaborate systems of sexual governance, but also devoted disproportionate energy to marking and policing the sexual margins. This book not only investigates controversies surrounding prostitution, homosexuality and the age of consent in the British Empire, but also revolutionises people's notions about the importance of sex as a nexus of imperial power relations. The derivative hypothesis, which reads colonial sexuality politics as something England did or gave to its colonies, is illustrated and made explicit by the Indian Spectator, which seemed simply to accept that India should follow English precedent. In 1885, the South Australian parliament passed legislation, similar to England's Criminal Law Amendment Act, which raised the age of consent from 13 to 16 and introduced a series of restrictions and regulations on sexual conduct. Richard Francis Burton's case against the moral universalism and sex between men are discussed. 'Cognitively mapping' sexuality politics, the book has traced connections between people, places and politics, exploring both their dangers and opportunities, which revolve in each case around embroilments in global power.

José Luís Fiori

about-turn, responding in accordance with ‘Babel syndrome’. Challenged on its own terms, the US disavows its moral universalism within the inter-state system and desists from the old enlightenment project of conversion of all the peoples of the world to Western reason and ethics. At the same time, it gives up its role as guardian of international ethics and arbiter of all the world’s conflicts. This does not mean that it stops projecting the superiority of its national values, but, acting as a nation of ‘chosen people’, it opts for the unilateral

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Richard Burton’s interventions on sex between men
Richard Philips

made the radical claim that sex between men was not necessarily bad. By traversing a series of sexual cultures, accumulating a picture of diversity, he assembled a case against the moral universalism of his time. His politics were coded but clear, as Isabel acknowledged when she argued, implicitly against her husband, that ‘society must draw a line, make laws for the preservation of morality and punish those who break them’. 100 Following through, Isabel collaborated with the NVA after Richard’s death to destroy 362

in Sex, politics and empire
Stuart White

, then one is rejecting the idea of human rights, not calling for a more pluralistic interpretation of the concept. Mouffe does not want to go this far. She says that her version of moral pluralism nevertheless holds that ‘some ethico-political conditions need to be fulfilled in order for a regime to qualify as just’. So she accepts some degree of moral universalism, i.e., that there are some standards of just treatment applicable to all societies. It would be interesting to know more about the content of this universalism; and about how its content compares to

in Religion and rights
Lynn Dobson

diminish freedom and harm well-being – and then largely encourages the rest:29 ‘moral universalism sets the outer limits of the legitimacy of the various practices of cultural pluralism. Affirmatively, within these limits moral universalism encourages and upholds the diverse practices of cultural pluralism … with regard to values and ways of life.’30 Amongst agents, common values or beliefs will be held alongside their various sets of non-common values or beliefs, but ‘the beliefs or values that persons have in common must include beliefs about the generic rights, and

in Supranational Citizenship
Abstract only
Ben Cohen and Eve Garrard

emancipation, he nonetheless articulates a genuine type of moral universalism: different faiths, ethnicities, peoples, have a right to assert their specific identities and shared beliefs within the free secular order of the democratic state. The distinctions between such groups just cease to have a political bearing. Marx does not extend this argument beyond the single state to the global arena (that not being part of the discursive context), but the correlate at the international level of what he argues in Part I of On the Jewish Question is today embodied in the notion

in The Norman Geras Reader
Just war, past and present
A. J. Coates

order that transcends states, limiting state sovereignty and establishing (in principle) a case for intervention. From this historical vantage point, humanitarian intervention is not the moral anomaly it is claimed to be by critics of the tradition. On the contrary, an ethic of intervention (though not a cosmopolitan ethic) seems wholly in line with the moral universalism that is a common feature of traditional ways of thinking about war. A similar point applies to the case of non-­state actors. While a moral presumption in favour of the state’s use of force is

in The ethics of war
Abstract only
Community, rights, values
Lynn Dobson

agents are individually to have the capabilities for purposive action in general and successful action in particular. Further, the reasonable self is aware of the moral universality of the sharing of the benefits of rights and burdens of duties, leading to an appreciation of the connection between one’s own interests and common interests.6 Besides being reasonable selves, persons in the EU are also situated selves. Gewirth’s theory does not require persons’ obliviousness to particularistic commitments, as is required of the contracting parties in Rawls’s original

in Supranational Citizenship
The liberalism of fear and modus vivendi
Matt Sleat

three different accounts of what this moral minimum consists in. On McCabe’s understanding, modus vivendi is not to be distinguished by its rejection of moral ideals, as many of its critics assert, but by its commitment to a certain minimal moral universalism. This minimum is grounded in the commitment that the interests of all persons matter equally and from this McCabe derives three criteria for legitimate political order: 1) The rulers ought in some way to be accountable to the ruled; 2) Punishments should be appropriate to the crime; 3) No person should be forced

in Liberal realism
Abstract only
Kimberly Hutchings

future is therefore one in which humanitarian intervention is rendered compatible with democratic self-determination through keeping the principle of membership of political community open to challenge. She follows both Kant and Habermas in envisaging a world in which universalist cosmopolitanism and particularist republicanism are mutually reinforcing. In the spirit of Kant, therefore, I have pleaded for moral universalism and cosmopolitan federalism. I have not advocated open but rather porous borders . . . (2004: 220–221) The details of the political arrangements

in Time and world politics