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Change UK and the challenges of parliamentary politics
Author: Louise Thompson

At a time when British politics has been increasingly fractured, with intra-party tensions cutting across both the Conservative Party and the Labour Party, small political groupings and independent MPs in the Commons have taken on a more significant position than ever before. This book explores the rise and fall of Change UK within the wider context of the experiences of other small political groupings in the House of Commons. It examines the struggles facing MPs who leave behind the comforts of the large political parties and the strategies they use to draw attention to their cause.

Louise Thompson

take its place in Cardiff Bay for the first time, with six elected representatives, while in the Northern Ireland Assembly the People Before Profit Alliance gained its first representatives, sending two MLAs to Stormont. In Scotland, the Green Party overtook the Liberal Democrats to become the country's fourth largest political party. 4 We can also identify a growing multi-party politics at the sub-national and supra-national levels. In the 2019 local elections both the main

in The end of the small party?
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Timothy Heppell

with the Conservatives languishing third on 19 seats and 23.9 per cent (Curtice, 2014 : 78–80). That volatility, and the rise of multi-party politics, would run parallel to wider political and economic turbulence. Whilst the Conservatives were in opposition the third term Labour administration, by now under the prime ministerial leadership of Gordon Brown, were rocked by the dual crises of the banking

in Cameron
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The politics of modernisation and manipulation
Author: Timothy Heppell

This book provides a new and distinctive interpretation on the political strategy of David Cameron as leader of the Conservative Party and Prime Minister. Rather than offering a chronological overview of his leadership, or a policy-based approach, the book assesses Cameronism via two themes – modernisation and manipulation. In terms of the modernisation the book will examine the following. First, how Cameron attempted to detoxify the negative image of the Conservatives. Second, how Cameron sought to delegitimise Labour as a party of government by deflecting the blame on austerity onto the legacy of Labour in office. Third, how Cameron used the Big Society narrative as a means of reducing the perceived responsibilities of the state. In terms of manipulation the book will evaluate Cameronism in relation to coalition government, and the exploitation of the Liberal Democrats will be examined, notably in relation to austerity, tuition fees and electoral reform. Cameronism will also be examined in relation the challenges to the existing political order by considering the demands for Scottish independence, and the rise of UKIP and the case for a referendum on continued European Union membership. Through this dual emphasis on modernisation and manipulation the book will provide an exploration of the key events and issues that defined the premiership of David Cameron, and a clear overview of his successes and failures as leader of the Conservative Party and Prime Minister. The book will be essential reading to those interested in British party politics and prime ministerial leadership.

The rise of multi-party politics
Timothy Heppell

The aim of chapter 7 is to consider how Cameron responded to the challenges to the existing political order. Focusing in on the rise of multi-party politics, the chapter identifies how the increasing electoral support for the Liberal Democrats, the Scottish National Party and UKIP threatened the existing dimensionality through which British politics operated. The chapter considers the reasons why Cameron decided to offer a referendum on electoral reform and explains why he was successful at nullifying this threat. The chapter examines why Cameron was forced to offer a referendum on Scottish independence, and explores how it failed to quell the tide of Scottish nationalism, but it did create an electoral advantage for the Conservatives given the collapse of Scottish Labour. The third case study of the chapter identifies why Cameron had to offer a referendum on continued membership of the European Union. The chapter focuses in on how the electoral threat from UKIP, and the infighting within his own parliamentary ranks, could have been overcome with a comfortable remain vote. The reason why Cameron failed is attributed to the weakness of the renegotiated terms of membership, and his misplaced assumption that economic security would trump concerns about immigration.

in Cameron
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Algeria’s failed process of democratisation
Francesco Cavatorta

drafted and took effect in February 1989. It contained numerous liberal features and its most significant aspect was the provision for the introduction of multi-party politics. The FLN ceased to be the only legal party and Algerians were permitted to form new political movements and apply for legal recognition. The government allowed the registration of most of those applying and among them was the FIS. Thus began the Algerian process of political liberalisation. For nearly three years, Algeria experienced the most open period of political freedom in its history. New

in The international dimension of the failed Algerian transition
International perceptions
Francesco Cavatorta

behaviour of Islamist parties, which in many ways are no different from other political movements, such as the Spanish or Italian communist parties, whose authoritarian tradition and ethos did not stop them from becoming responsible pillars of democratic, multi-party political orders. This rationalistic approach to the role of Islamist parties is more beneficial as it avoids sweeping generalisations about their behaviour and allows for a better understanding of national differences. As Bayat (2007: xvii) recently re-stated, ‘the 131 132 the international dimension of

in The international dimension of the failed Algerian transition
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Philip Cunliffe

, overseeing new judicial systems, protecting individual human rights, disarming militias, and even establishing systems of multi-party political competition. All of this is to be sustained through the moral authority and expertise provided by the supranational political authority of regional organisations or, in its most august incarnation, the UN. The actors involved in peacekeeping are not only states but also international and regional organisations. That these actors may intensively intervene in other states as part of peacekeeping has important conceptual implications

in United Nations peace operations and International Relations theory
The Indian experience
Shirin M. Rai

10 to 12 per cent of their total membership’ (Department of Women and Child Development, 1988:157). India has had a strong multi-party political system since its inception in 1947. There was a short period (1975–77) during the national Emergency declared by Mrs Gandhi when civil and political rights were suspended. Other than this, political parties have continued to play an important role in mobilizing and articulating interests and representing these in the political sphere. While providing political stability and a degree of accountability through elections

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Ideology, physical destruction, and memory
Rémi Korman

introduction of multi-party politics, and, above all, the start of the civil war on 1 October 1990, the Tutsis were increasingly made scapegoats for the country’s problems. The new free press, of which extremist media sources formed a major part, would seek to redefine how the Tutsi body was imagined, and then incorporate these representations within the planning for future massacres. The Tutsi body was thus at the heart of the practices of cruelty organized by the genocidaires in 1994. The Tutsi body in genocide ideology The incessant repetition of the Hamitic myth under

in Destruction and human remains