As two of the longest-serving prime ministers in Europe, Tony Blair and Bertie
Ahern were in power during one of the most tumultuous periods of European
integration. This book offers an insight into how they responded to the demands
and opportunities of European Union (EU) membership at the national level.
Drawing on extensive interviews with key figures, it explores how the two
leaders sought to radically reshape the EU national policy-making process in the
UK and Ireland in order to further their strategic policy agendas. The book
therefore asks three key questions. How did the national EU policy process
change between 1997 and 2007? To what extent did the UK and Irish policy
processes converge or diverge? Did the reforms enhance the projection of
national policy? These empirical and comparative questions are related to
broader theoretical and conceptual debates concerning Europeanisation. By
employing conceptual and analytical frameworks, the book considers what these
reforms tell us about the nature of the ‘EU effect’ in different member states.
Do governments simply adjust to EU-level pressures for change or try to adapt
strategically in order to maximise their influence? Are the changes attributable
to political agency or do they derive from longer-term structural developments
, location and distribution of power within government.
The preceding chapter set out to develop a new strategic-projection model of Europeanisation in order to provide a firmer conceptual grounding for understanding how national policy makers adapt to the multiple demands and opportunities of European integration. This chapter instead seeks to outline a detailed analytical framework capable of capturing change within nationalpolicy-making processes. It proposes a distinctive strategic–relational network framework that aims to ‘add value’ to
This book is concerned above all with the adaptation of national EU policy-making processes to the demands and opportunities of EU membership. As such the study lends itself to the burgeoning ‘Europeanisation’ literature which refocuses the attention of European studies downwards to the domestic level. Rather than provide an exhaustive review of this literature, this chapter explores the conceptual challenge posed by Europeanisation for our study. How does the current literature relate to the Europeanisation of nationalpolicy-making
. By employing highly innovative conceptual and analytical frameworks, the book considers what these reforms tell us about the causal impact of European integration on nationalpolicy-making processes. How do governments try to manage and exploit the ever-changing demands and opportunities of membership? Do they simply adjust to EU-level pressures for change or try to adapt strategically in order to maximise their influence? Are the changes simply attributable to political agency or do they stem from longer-term structural developments in Brussels? These timely
variables such as national change agents, domestic political opportunity structures, domestic administrative opportunity structures, and technological change, as well as European integration. It proposed a highly innovative conceptualisation of Europeanisation as strategic projection, distinguishing between four distinctive modes through which change may be induced within nationalpolicy-making processes. By disaggregating the Europeanisation effect in this way, these modes help us to analyse the complex interplay of domestic and European level variables, and thus
Here we seek to take the analysis of change within nationalpolicy-making processes a stage further by addressing the second research question: how can we evaluate the impact of adaptation on the capacity of the UK and Irish governments to coordinate and project national European policy? The chapter aims to compare and critically evaluate the relative strengths and weaknesses of the reform strategies pursed by the Blair and Ahern governments by analysing the capacity of the UK and Irish networks to coordinate EU policy, and by assessing
Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons. The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.
for a more
detailed analysis of the ways in which ideas and knowledge play a role
in the development of policy within the supranational arena, and the
ways in which soft forms of cooperation at the EU level are enhancing
the European dimension of nationalpolicy-making (without necessarily
Europeanising the domestic arena).
Finally, and relating to the previous points on both labour migration
and Europeanisation, more work is needed to develop frameworks
regarding how ideas and knowledge operate in the policy process.
Rather than suggesting that any of the
for schools, public housing, airports, parks, sewerage, public transport,
etc., and the French prefectures or German cities and counties in which
virtually all public activities are the administrative responsibility of the
local general purpose executives.
“Participatory federalism” is another term frequently applied to Germany. This refers to the participation by the Länder in federal legislation,
that is, nationalpolicymaking. This occurs informally through a variety
of committees and conferences, such as the conference of Land prime
networks and communities. Furthermore, we need
to specify how this process is conditioned and affected by what categories of intervening variables. To fully understand how ideas and
knowledge play a role in policy change, we need to find out about the
communities that surround immigration policy-making and explore the
types of knowledge that feed into them.
Nationalpolicy-making and the developing EU migration regime
As an area of national competence experiencing the impact of emerging
developments at EU level (Geddes and Guiraudon 2004), changing
national policies on