As a technology able to picture and embody the temporality of the past, cinema has become central to the mediation of memory in modern cultural life. The memory of film scenes and movies screens, cinema and cinema-going, has become integral to the placement and location of film within the cultural imagination of this century and the last. This book is a sustained, interdisciplinary perspective on memory and film from early cinema to the present. The first section examines the relationship between official and popular history and the constitution of memory narratives in and around the production and consumption of American cinema. The second section examines the politics of memory in a series of chapters that take as their focus three pivotal sites of national conflict in postwar America. This includes the war in Vietnam, American race relations and the Civil Rights Movement, and the history of marginality in the geographic and cultural borderlands of the US. The book explores the articulation of Vietnam. The final section concentrates on the issue of mediation; it explores how technological and semiotic shifts in the cultural terrain have influenced the coding and experience of memory in contemporary cinema. It considers both the presence of music and colour in nostalgia films of the 1990s and the impact of digital and video technologies on the representational determinants of mediated memory. The book also examines the stakes of cultural remembering in the United States and the means by which memory has been figured through Hollywood cinema.
This book has told a story about hiloni millennials in Israel. But the comparative question remains: what do nationalconflicts expressed in religio-ethnic terms ‘feel like’ to ‘secular’ people? What is suggested by the lived experiences of young hilonim in Israel, whose secular sensibilities have a ‘Jewish valence’? 1 The short answer is that these conflicts feel ambiguous.
This is not earth-shattering. Scholars have shown repeatedly that people have mixed feelings about political violence. Scholars of everyday religion have shown that people – even
like coming of age during a phase of nationalconflict when some Palestinian and Israeli government leaders, not just fringe figures, used religio-ethnic symbols to motivate and divide? 2 Since 1967, the symbolic salience of Jewish and Palestinian Arab religio-ethnic idioms in the nationalconflict at any given moment has depended on context, competition and political opportunity. 3 This developed sometimes in dialectic with, sometimes parallel to, patterns of social conservatism within both societies. 4 Oslo’s collapse has provided more frequent opportunities for
twenty French NATO soldiers.
However, ethnic hatred is only one source of conflict in
the Balkans. Social and economic hardship and the lack of a secure
future bring desperation and uncertainty, which can turn to violence.
Ethnic differences were used as a tool by various parties in the region
to turn uncertain economic and social prospects into nationalconflict
for personal gain. Political and criminal
This chapter shows how hegemonic attempts to define and solidify Australian national identity have always been contested and unstable. It elucidates how Australian national conflict has been linked with tangible conflicts over land, injustice and power, and how they have been closely intertwined with anxieties about insecurity. The chapter argues that such a politics forestalls the achievement of a holistic and non-militarized security based upon the emancipation of human beings. It also argues that the operation of security politics gravely distorts Australian defence and foreign policy and directly endangers both others and the state's own citizens. The chapter suggests a range of ways in which the practices and conceptualizations of security, identity and sovereignty in Australia need to be refigured if Australian defence and security policy is to be rebalanced. It is important to place systems and processes of representation in security affairs, and politics more generally, under critical scrutiny.
This book explores the reasons and justifications for the Chinese state’s campaign to erase Uyghur identity, focusing, in particular, on how China’s manipulation of the US-led Global War on Terror (GWOT) has facilitated this cultural genocide. It is the first book to address this issue in depth, and serves as an important rebuttal to Chinese state claims that this campaign is a benign effort to combat an existential extremist threat. While the book suggests that the motivation for this state-led campaign is primarily China’s gradual settler colonization of the Uyghur homeland, the text focuses on the narrative of the Uyghur terrorist threat that has provided international cover and justification for the campaign and has shaped its ‘biopolitical’ nature. It describes how the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was able to successfully implicate Uyghurs in GWOT and, despite a lack of evidence, brand them internationally as a serious terrorist threat within the first year of the war. In recounting these developments, the book offers a critique of existing literature on the Uyghur terrorist threat and questions the extent of this threat to the PRC. Finding no evidence for the existence of such a threat when the Chinese state first declared its existence in 2001, the book argues that a nominal Uyghur militant threat only emerged after over a decade of PRC suppression of Uyghur dissent in the name of counterterrorism, facilitating a ‘self-fulfilling prophecy’ that has served to justify further state repression and ultimately cultural genocide.
and Weidner 1997; Holzinger and Knill 2005; Knill 2005) can in
turn contribute to a decrease in nationalconflicts of interests over
decisions on European environmental measures.
Logjam or dynamics? Nationalconflict lines in EU
The analysis up to now has shown that EU environmental policymaking is marked by different constellations of national interests
and patterns of consensus building. Depending on the perspective
of analysis, we arrive at different assessments of the possibilities
for and limits to the design of EU environmental policy
normative perspective that sees professional historians as playing an important role in promoting a more objective understanding of the past in a way that can aid the cause of reconciliation.
Divided history; divided memory?
The predominant view of ethno-nationalconflict is that it is so enduring because it is contested by organised groups that tend to confront each other (Wolff, 2006 : 64). Donald Horowitz argues that ‘ethnic identity is established at birth for most members’ and is based on a ‘myth of common
conflict remains a popular method of attempting to resolve disputes
over territory, sovereignty or other resources.5 The commonalities between the
ethno nationalconflicts in Northern Ireland, South Africa and Israel-Palestine,
such as high civilian casualties and violations of human rights, have highlighted
the possibility of comparison between each situation.6 The intractability of the
conflicts in deeply divided societies, along with the high likelihood for inter communal tension, means that these separate cases are often brought together in an
attempt to form
active in the NILP – including several prominent leaders – have since become members of the BLP. However, even among some of these individuals, there is a realisation that the future prospects for the reincarnation of the NILP may be bleak, especially if ethnicity and national identity continue to maintain their relevance in the province’s politics. In the words of one former NILP member, ‘I think the reality is that while the nationalconflict continues to be the predominant politics of Northern Ireland, Labour politics will be a very fragile creation and will tend to